Small Wars Journal

Concerned Anthropologists or Scared Anthropologists?

Fri, 10/05/2007 - 7:25pm
Two petitions; one "actual", one in sardonic rebuttal; are making the rounds concerning anthropology and the military.

We report, you decide.

First up, Network of Concerned Anthropologists:

Pledge of Non-participation in Counterinsurgency

We, the undersigned, believe that anthropologists should not engage in research and other activities that contribute to counterinsurgency operations in Iraq or in related theaters in the "war on terror." Furthermore, we believe that anthropologists should refrain from directly assisting the US military in combat, be it through torture, interrogation, or tactical advice.

US military and intelligence agencies and military contractors have identified "cultural knowledge," "ethnographic intelligence," and "human terrain mapping" as essential to US-led military intervention in Iraq and other parts of the Middle East.

Consequently, these agencies have mounted a drive to recruit professional anthropologists as employees and consultants. While often presented by its proponents as work that builds a more secure world, protects US soldiers on the battlefield, or promotes cross-cultural understanding, at base it contributes instead to a brutal war of occupation which has entailed massive casualties. By so doing, such work breaches relations of openness and trust with the people anthropologists work with around the world and, directly or indirectly, enables the occupation of one country by another. In addition, much of this work is covert. Anthropological support for such an enterprise is at odds with the humane ideals of our discipline as well as professional standards.

We are not all necessarily opposed to other forms of anthropological consulting for the state, or for the military, especially when such cooperation contributes to generally accepted humanitarian objectives. A variety of views exist among us, and the ethical issues are complex. Some feel that anthropologists can effectively brief diplomats or work with peacekeeping forces without compromising professional values. However, work that is covert, work that breaches relations of openness and trust with studied populations, and work that enables the occupation of one country by another violates professional standards.

Consequently, we pledge not to undertake research or other activities in support of counterinsurgency work in Iraq or in related theaters in the "war on terror," and we appeal to colleagues everywhere to make the same commitment.

We encourage you to download this form and to collect signatures from your department, university, or other institution. Please include signature, name, title, and institutional affiliation. Send by mail to the Network of Concerned Anthropologists, c/o Dept. of Anthropology, George Mason University, 4400 University Drive, MS 3G5, Fairfax, VA 22030, USA.

The founding members of the Network of Concerned Anthropologists include Catherine Besteman, Andrew Bickford, Greg Feldman, Gustaaf Houtman, Roberto Gonzalez, Hugh Gusterson, Jean Jackson, Kanhong Lin, Catherine Lutz, David Price, and David Vine.

Second up, Seriously Concerned Anthropologists for a Ridiculously Enfeebled Defense:

SCARED is a group of anthropologists that says emphatically, "Please don't blow us up!" To terrorists and insurgents fighting the forces of freedom, we say this:

We are not your enemy and we refuse to help the US in its illegal war on terror! We know you are reasonable and that if we lie on our backs and do nothing, you will see us for the helpless little people that we are and not hurt us.

Pledge of Non-participation in Counterinsurgency

We, the undersigned, believe that anthropologists should not engage in research and other activities that contribute to counterinsurgency (COIN) operations in Iraq or in related theaters in the "war on terror." While some people say COIN reduces the need for massive bombing that results in untold civilian casualties, we say we will not get our hands dirty even if it saves lives.

US military and intelligence agencies and military contractors have identified "cultural knowledge," "ethnographic intelligence," and "human terrain mapping" as essential to US-led military intervention in Iraq and other parts of the Middle East. We prefer that they remain hopelessly ignorant and ineffective, thereby dragging out the war on terror and multiplying the death count. Rather than instilling cultural understanding in US military operations, we prefer that soldiers in the battlefield never learn to distinguish ordinary peaceful Arab and Muslim culture from the death cult of suicide terror and insurgency.

Today's US military practices the cultural imperialism that privileges some native peoples (the so-called "moderates") at the expense of others (the so-called "terrorists"). But, as anthropologists, we know that such normative evaluations are inherently subjective and we refuse to abet such cultural hegemony. Rather than impose the normative American value structures (such as "freedom" and "democracy") on foreign peoples, it is our responsibility to allow competing normative schemes (such as "fascism" and "theocracy") to assert their normal roles in such societies without the interference of colonialist Western powers.

Consequently, we pledge not to undertake research or other activities in support of counterinsurgency work in Iraq or in related theaters in the "war on terror," and we appeal to colleagues everywhere to make the same commitment. We are SCARED and we know that while the American government won't kill us, the terrorists will! In that spirit, we raise the white flag NOW and beg for our lives.

If you are a "pansy" or find such masculine hetero-normative language to be deeply offensive, we encourage you to download this form and to collect signatures from your department, university, or other institution. Please include signature, name, title, and institutional affiliation. Send by mail to the Network of Concerned Anthropologists, c/o Dept. of Anthropology, George Mason University, 4400 University Drive, MS 3G5, Fairfax, VA 22030, USA. Or, if you are actually serious about this stuff, and believe this garbage, you can visit their real site at the Network of Concerned Anthropologists.

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News Link:

Army Enlists Anthropology in War Zones - David Rhode, New York Times

Blog Links:

From an Anthropological Perspective - Marcus B. Griffin, Ph.D

Anthropologists and the Military's Human Terrain System - Ethnography

Anthropologists in Iraq - and Those in America Who Attack Them - Captain's Journal

Anthropologist Join War Against Taliban - PrairiePundit

When Anthropology Gets Ugly (Updated) - Danger Room

When Anthropologists Go to War (Against the Military) - Danger Room

The Network of Certifiable Asshats - Ace of Spades HQ

Anthropology Departments Should Not Serve Political Action Purposes - Michasel Langbert

I Am Become, ... Well, Something - Riehl World Vew

The Seriously SCARED Anthropologist - PrairiePundit

Discuss:

Anthropologists in Iraq - and Those in America Who Attack Them - Small Wars Council

Quotes:

We're looking at this from a human perspective, from a social scientist's perspective. We're not focused on the enemy. We're focused on bringing governance down to the people.

--COL Martin Schweitzer, Afghanistan

While often presented by its proponents as work that builds a more secure world, the pledge says, at base, it contributes instead to a brutal war of occupation which has entailed massive casualties.

--Hugh Gusterson, George Mason University

I'm frequently accused of militarizing anthropology. But we're really anthropologizing the military.

--Dr. Montgomery McFate, Human Terrain Teams

You'll notice that all these ideas for pledges and resolutions, etc. to ban certain kinds of work by social scientists rarely, if ever, are from people with actual experience in the field. Why? Well those of us in the Business / Government / Military end of anthropology are too busy actually DOING things.

--MarkD, Ethnography.com

Can't shrink the Gap until you can accurately map its human terrain, designing connectivity that locals can accept.

--Tom Barnett

Parameters Autumn 2007

Thu, 10/04/2007 - 5:02pm

The Autumn 2007 issue of the US Army War College's Parameters is posted.

Parameters, a refereed journal of ideas and issues, provides a forum for the expression of mature thought on the art and science of land warfare, joint and combined matters, national and international security affairs, military strategy, military leadership and management, military history, ethics, and other topics of significant and current interest to the US Army and Department of Defense.

Here is the line-up:

From the Editor (.htm format) (.pdf format)

This issue presents an eclectic tour de force of a number of the challenges associated with the conduct of land warfare in the twenty-first century. Our authors explore themes as diverse as nuclear proliferation and nation-building, and as consubstantial as strategic communication and freedom of speech.

Strategic Communication by Richard Halloran (.htm format) (.pdf format)

For five years, Americans have been struggling to comprehend strategic communication as they have seen the standing of the nation plummet around the world and political support at home evaporate for the war in Iraq. They have lamented the seeming failure of their government to persuade the Islamic world of America's good intentions while Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda operate in the best fashion of Madison Avenue.

Propaganda: Can a Word Decide a War? by Dennis M. Murphy and James F. White (.htm format) (.pdf format)

Propaganda is "any form of communication in support of national objectives designed to influence the opinions, emotions, attitudes, or behavior of any group in order to benefit the sponsor, either directly or indirectly."3 Certainly propaganda has been used from time immemorial as a tool in warfare. But it is only since the US experience of World War I that this rather innocuously defined term has become pejorative in the national psyche.

Stabilizing Lebanon: Peacekeeping or Nation-Building by William K. Mooney, Jr. (.htm format) (.pdf format)

While outside actors have played a major role, the weakness of the Lebanese government lies at the foundation of these problems. The Lebanese government finds itself unable to exercise the most fundamental elements of state sovereignty: the control of borders and a monopoly on the use of force. Thus, any international effort to stabilize and reconstruct Lebanon in the wake of this most recent conflict needs to focus on the political objective of strengthening the Lebanese government.

Responding to a Nuclear Iran by Christopher Hemmer (.htm format) (.pdf format)

The choices America would face if Iran developed nuclear weapons are not simply between preventive military action and doing nothing. The calculations America would face are not between the costs of action versus the costs of inaction. A nuclear-armed Iran will certainly pose a number of challenges for the United States. Those challenges, however, can be met through an active policy of deterrence, containment, engagement, and the reassurance of America's allies in the region.

Nation-Building: A Joint Enterprise by Gregory L. Cantwell (.htm format) (.pdf format)

America's Army remains at war. And we will be fighting this war for the foreseeable future. This is not just the Army's war. Yet in light of the scale of our commitment we bear the majority of the burden, serving side by side with Marines and our other sister services and coalition partners. General Schoomaker identified the crux of the issue; America relies upon the Army, and from a joint perspective, the Department of Defense, to fight and win the nation's wars. The American people have every expectation that the military will succeed when committed. They hold the military accountable for achieving victory. Yet the military does not command or control the elements of national power (diplomatic, information, and economic) essential for achieving victory.

When Soldiers Speak Out: A Survey of Provisions Limiting Freedom of Speech in the Military by John Loran Kiel, Jr. (.htm format) (.pdf format)

As America continues surging troops into Baghdad, a number of active-duty service members have publicly condemned President George W. Bush and criticized his handling of the war in Iraq. Remarks against the President have become more prevalent among service members because they communicate through a host of mediums unfathomable to yesterday's generation of fighting men and women. Soldiers frequently post digital journals, cell phone photos, and music videos on popular Internet sites such as YouTube and MySpace. A few techno-savvy troops even manage their own milblogs, or online personal diaries where they can communicate in cyberspace about virtually anything to virtually anyone. In fact, some military blogs and videos have become so popular that they garner tens of thousands of visits each day.

Civilian Contractors under Military Law by Marc Lindemann (.htm format) (.pdf format)

Over the course of its efforts to stabilize Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States has increasingly relied upon the work of civilian contractors. By the US Central Command's count at the end of 2006, there were nearly 100,000 contractors operating in Iraq alone. An estimated 30,000—more than the number of non-US Coalition forces in Iraq—provide armed military services such as personal and site security. The insertion of five words into Congress's fiscal year 2007 defense authorization act may now subject every civilian contractor operating in a combat zone to the discipline of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). This legislation ostensibly brings long-overdue regulation to contractor behavior, but it also raises a number of questions regarding interpretation and enforcement. By drawing on the lessons of past efforts to control contractors, the military should be able to craft a workable standard for the exercise of its expanded UCMJ jurisdiction.

Whither the RMA? by Christopher M. Schnaubelt (.htm format) (.pdf format)

The strategic importance of technological improvements in US military capability is a key but insufficiently examined issue in the transformation of today's military. Is the present Department of Defense (DOD) attempt at transformation, which focuses on technological solutions to increase capabilities, being misguided by a vision of a high-tech Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA)? This question is particularly relevant with regard to attempts to use information management and networked systems in lieu of increased firepower, better armor, and more manpower. The current effort may well be leading America's military in the wrong direction.

Book Reviews (.htm format) (.pdf format)

The Eye of Command. By Kimberly Kagan. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006. 241 pages. $70.00 ($24.95 paper). Reviewed by Dr. J. Boone Bartholomees, Jr., Professor of Military History, US Army War College.

War Made New: Technology, Warfare, and the Course of History, 1500 to Today. By Max Boot. New York: Gotham Books, 2006. 624 pages. $35.00. Reviewed by Lieutenant Colonel Robert M. Cassidy, a US Army officer and a Fellow with the Center for Advanced Defense Studies.

The Past as Prologue: The Importance of History to the Military Profession. Edited by Williamson Murray and Richard Hart Sinnreich. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006. 287 pages. $75.00 ($23.99 paper). Reviewed by Dr. Conrad Crane, Director of the US Army Military History Institute.

Taming American Power: The Global Response to U.S. Primacy. By Stephen M. Walt. New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 2005. 320 pages. $27.95. Reviewed by Major Bradley L. Bowman, Assistant Professor of American Politics, Policy, and Strategy, Department of Social Sciences, United States Military Academy.

Imagined Enemies: China Prepares for Uncertain War. By John Wilson Lewis and Xue Litai. Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2006. 362 pages. $60.00. Reviewed by Dr. Paul H. B. Godwin, retired National War College professor specializing in Chinese defense and security policy.

The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia. By Richard Overy. New York: W. W. Norton, 2006. 849 pages. $21.95 (paper). Reviewed by Dr. Paul J. Springer, Assistant Professor of Military History, United States Military Academy.

Among the Dead Cities: The History and Moral Legacy of the WWII Bombing of Civilians in Germany and Japan. By A. C. Grayling. New York: Walker and Company, 2006. 361 pages. $25.95. Reviewed by Dr. Thomas B. Grassey, the James B. Stockdale Professor of Leadership and Ethics at the Naval War College.

The Scratch of a Pen: 1763 and the Transformation of America. By Colin G. Calloway. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. 224 pages. $26.00. Reviewed by Colonel Alan Cate, USA Ret.

Eisenhower, Science Advice, and the Nuclear Test-Ban Debate, 1945-1963. By Benjamin P. Greene. Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2007. 358 pages. $65.00. Reviewed by George H. Quester, Professor of Government and Politics, University of Maryland.

Capturing Jonathan Pollard: How One of the Most Notorious Spies in American History Was Brought to Justice. By Ronald J. Olive. Annapolis, Md.: Naval Institute Press, 2006. 299 pages. $27.95. Reviewed by W. Andrew Terrill, Research Professor of National Security Affairs, Strategic Studies Institute, US Army War College.

Henry Adams and the Making of America. By Garry Wills. (Boston, Mass.: Houghton Mifflin, 2005. 467 pages. $30.00. Reviewed by Dr. Samuel Watson, Associate Professor, Department of History, US Military Academy.

Nuclear First Strike: Consequences of a Broken Taboo. By George H. Quester. Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006. 176 pages. $55.00 ($22.95 paper). Reviewed by Colonel John Mark Mattox, Commandant, Defense Nuclear Weapons School, Kirtland Air Force Base, NM.

No Substitute for Victory: Lessons in Strategy and Leadership from General Douglas MacArthur. By Theodore and Donna Kinni. Old Tappan, N.J.: Pearson Education, 2005. 288 pages. $27.95. Reviewed by Dr. Mark R. Grandstaff, Senior Fellow, James MacGregor Burns Academy of Leadership, University of Maryland, College Park and Professor of History, Brigham Young University.

Duffy's War: Fr. Francis Duffy, Wild Bill Donovan, and the Irish Fighting 69th in World War I. By Stephen L. Harris. Dulles, Va.: Potomac Books, 2006. 456 pages. $29.95. Reviewed by Dr. Douglas V. Johnson II (LTC, USA Ret.), Research Professor, Strategic Studies Institute, US Army War College.

The Trials of Abu Ghraib: An Expert Witness Account of Shame and Honor. By S. G. Mestrovic. Boulder, Colo.: Paradigm Publishers, 2006. 235 pages. $22.95. Reviewed by George R. Mastroianni, Professor of Psychology, US Air Force Academy.

CSIS Smart Power

Thu, 10/04/2007 - 4:47pm
The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) recently launched the CSIS Commission on Smart Power blog. the Smart Power blog is part of the bipartisan Commission on Smart Power chaired by former deputy secretary of state Richard Armitage and Harvard University's Joseph Nye.

Carola McGiffert, vice president and chief of staff at CSIS, on Smart Power:

Welcome to the CSIS Smart Power blog, a one-stop resource for policy makers and citizens alike to engage in a non-partisan and forward-looking dialogue on the nature of American leadership in the 21st century...

In 2006, CSIS launched a high level, bipartisan Smart Power Commission to address this critical issue of Smart Power, and to develop concrete recommendations to guide the political candidates -- one of whom will be the next president of the United States — as they develop their foreign policy platforms. The Commission has drawn from an ongoing CSIS "Dialogue with America," designed to take the temperature of Americans from around the country, across the political spectrum, and from a diverse range of constituency groups. Based on the recommendations of the Commission, the qualitative data from the "Dialogue with America," and the hard analysis of CSIS experts, we seek to maximize our resources to ensure a Smart Power agenda for the next administration.

We hope you will explore this blog to learn more about the Commission, its work, and the other activities that CSIS is spearheading to ensure that the next president of the United States, regardless of political party, promotes a Smart Power approach to American leadership. We are not alone in this important endeavor; a number of other organizations have undertaken like-minded initiatives and we applaud their work. We look forward to using this blog as a forum to engage with these efforts, share ideas, and advance the Smart Power message. Moreover, we hope you will actively engage in the blog, adding your voice to this critical debate over how to ensure that the United States becomes a safer and stronger nation, but also one that is more engaged and more compassionate in the world.

While the Smart Power Commission will publish its final report on November 6, 2007, this blog will continue to live on through the 2008 presidential election and beyond. It will be updated approximately twice each week. CSIS scholars have lent their expertise to the Commission, and their papers will be posted regularly. The blog will also be used as a forum to monitor and discuss key publications and world events. Regular "newsbriefs" (our recommended reading list) will also be posted regularly. Blog editors will determine which comments will be posted. To encourage open and thoughtful discussion, partisan commentaries will automatically be rejected.

COIN Seminar: Dr. David Kilcullen

Mon, 10/01/2007 - 5:22pm
'Day job hat' on here. I, along with Capt Josh Cusworth of the Small Wars Center of Excellence, had the privilege of organizing a Counterinsurgency (COIN) seminar featuring Dr. David Kilcullen on 26 September at Marine Corps Base, Quantico, Virginia.

Dr. Kilcullen spoke to a standing room only crowd at the Gray Research Center and provided an excellent and very informative brief (1 ½ hour) followed by a Q&A period that could have lasted well beyond the allotted 45 minutes.

The purpose and scope of the COIN seminar was to share some basic observations on COIN theory and practice derived primarily from Dr. Kilcullen's service in Iraq (2006 and 2007), Afghanistan (2006), and pre 9/11 campaigns in SE Asia and the Pacific. Additionally, the forum served as a conduit to open a discussion on issues relevant to seminar attendees.

Dr. Kilcullen opened with a caveat -- everyone sees Iraq differently, depending on when they served there, what they did and where they worked. Because the environment is highly complex, ambiguous and fluid; observations from one time / place may or may not be applicable elsewhere -- even in the same campaign in the same year. He enjoined the audience to first understand the essentials of the environment, then determine whether analogous situations exist, before attempting to apply "lessons". Dr. Kilcullen's role in Iraq (hence his bias) was as Senior COIN Advisor to General David Petraeus (Commanding General, Multi-National Force -- Iraq [M-NF -- I]). He spent approximately 65 percent of his time in the field and the remainder at M-NF -- I Headquarters and the US Embassy in Baghdad.

The Marine Corps Warfighting Laboratory's Wargaming Division has posted Dr. Kilcullen's briefing slides here. The SWJ has posted a 'backup' copy of the brief here.

I'm in the process of writing a detailed summary report of the seminar and hope to see it posted to the Wargaming page in the near future. The presentation, as well as the Q&A were videotaped and will be made available; along with the briefing slides, the summary report, a 45 minute video interview with Dr. Kilcullen, and several of his articles and SWJ Blog postings; on DVD. I'll post a heads-up as the production date nears.

Strategic Communication Plan for Afghanistan

Mon, 10/01/2007 - 5:15pm
Hat Tip to MountainRunner for his post on the new DoD Strategic Communication Plan for Afghanistan dated 12 September 2007:

In order to augment our ongoing efforts in Afghanistan, the Department of Defense has developed the attached DOD Strategic Communication (SC) Plan for Afghanistan. This SC plan supports and complements NATO's International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) operations.

This SC plan directs all DoD organizations to begin execution immediately according to their specified duties and responsibilities. The plan is dynamic, and will continue to be updated and modified as Coalition efforts in Afghanistan evolve. To ensure the successful execution of this plan, DoD leaders are requested to provide the appropriate support to the designated lead organizations. Please review the attached SC plan to identify your responsibilities.

The DoD Strategic Communication Integration Group (SCIG) Secretariat stands ready to work with you and your staff on this important effort...

MountainRunner comments:

There's a lot in this document, including hits and misses. Addressed only to the DOD members of the Strategic Communication Integration Group, and not the Undersecretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, it identifies key elements of strategic communications, including those in which DOD is not the lead...

Non-Linear Intuition

Mon, 10/01/2007 - 1:30am
Non-Linear Intuition

A Fundamental Requirement for Military Leaders and why they should read Clausewitz

by MAJ Rob Thornton

September 11th, 2001 was a watershed event in that it was a vividly graphic demonstration of a war declared by a non-state actor on our domestic soil -- perhaps not since the British sacked Washington D.C. in the War of 1812 has a foreign entity extended its power across an ocean to threaten us here -- what made it all the more frightening was that they had obtained the means to attack us within the confines of our own country. The attacks of 9/11 had both a physical and a moral presence and altered the collective way in which we had considered the world before it occurred. It was the catalyst which changed the way Americans thought about securities and liberties, created organizations and legislations, created a stronger relationship between domestic and foreign policy and has led to our waging war in Afghanistan and Iraq, and on a much broader sense deployments world wide in the Global War on Terror. By most estimates the way we consider the world (and the way in which the world considers us) has changed permanently, and we may well be in a state of persistent conflict for decades to come -- a generational struggle as it has been called by some.

There is much the 19th Century Prussian military theorist and philosopher Carl Von Clausewitz can tell us about the objective nature of the war we are in -- which is to say that there are some things intrinsic to all wars. Clausewitz also has some things worth hearing on the subjective nature of war -- or that each war is different in some ways because at every level it is social and that it may mean different things to the people who wage it, and that their reasons for waging it may be different. That is important --particularly when the scope of the conflict is global in scope and indefinite in duration and because our political goals are broad and enduring. They are global because the people of the world and their interests are increasingly global, and they are enduring because we see preservation of our freedoms to interact globally as self-defining -- it is who we are. As Thucydides said, "we go to war for fear, honor and interests" -- the wars we fought yesterday, fight today and will fight tomorrow are no different -- in that regard they are waged by people and their political bodies within the same context as the Athenian General and Historian laid out almost 2500 years ago as he described the generational struggle between the two dominant city-states and their people of Hellenic world.

The demands on our military have been great, and increasingly those demands are extending to other branches of the government as we begin to understand the subjective nature of the broader context of this global war. Resources have been stretched and expanded to meet the requirements of waging war on a scale that we did not perceive prior to 9/11. Our ongoing quest for the best technologies to equip our forces with, the efforts to sustain them in remote and environmentally challenging places and the need to maintain the institutions which cross cut the DOTLMPF (Doctrine, Organizations, Training, Leadership, Material, Personnel & Facilities) spectrum in order to address the subjective nature of the wars we fight today in Iraq and Afghanistan, compete with the fears of being prepared for the subjective requirements of the threats on the horizon -- still vague and hard to define in some cases.

What have become increasingly clear are the increasing requirements on military leadership to take general purpose organizations originally designed for flexibility, but trained, manned and equipped to handle the most likely threats we viewed before 9/11 and adapt them to the subjective nature of the OIF, OEF, TF HOA, and a host of other humanitarian and world-wide commitments to which they were not optimally designed -- but will suffice. While we have had doctrinal descriptions of those types of missions in the past such as MOOTW (Missions and Operations other then War), SASO (Support and Stability Operations), LIC (Low Intensity Conflict), by and large our strategic cultural preference and emphasis was elsewhere. It was reflected in the acquisitions we made, the institutions we built, the doctrine we wrote, the training we conducted and the leaders we turned out. It was framed by our policy goals and our perspective on the way we would politically and militarily inter-act with the world. Even though there were some who perceived changes in the world, their arguments were not quantifiable or qualifiable enough to justify large scale organizational changes needed to optimally prepare for the future that eventually became the present.

Even today, with requirements for COIN (Counter Insurgency), UW (Unconventional Warfare) and other specialized SSTRO (Security, Stability, Transition, Reconstruction Operations) roles and missions being the basis of current operations, seemingly emphasizing the types of conditions and political environments described by the writings of Barnett, Friedman, Kaplan and others where globalization and instability have not only benefits but also adverse consequences; we must also contend with the possibility that nascent states might gain new conventional technologies and challenge our security at home, the security of the global commons and regional stability of our friends and allies. While this is not an essay about force structure design for the future, it is necessary to frame the problem of leadership development within controversies and conditions at hand -- as Clausewitz would point out -- and I'll paraphrase greatly to get to the heart of several chapters, "war is infinitely complex by nature of its being the product of human interaction, and despite our attempts to reduce it, the chaotic nature of war remains constant & defiant". Yes, the last sentence was full of contradictions, and that is what he was getting at.

Alan Beyerchen, a professor of History at the University of Ohio, wrote a piece for International Security (referenced on an end note) entitled "Clausewitz, Non-Linearity, and the Unpredictability of War". It is a piece that Army majors will recognize from ILE, and which was first given to me during the FA 59 (Functional Area for Plans and Policy) BSAP (Basic Strategic Arts Program) core class at the Army war College in Carlisle, PA. It is not easy reading -- no surprise since anything associated with Clausewitz is usually not -- but it is worth it. I was first introduced to Clausewitz as a CPT in conjunction with reading Antoine Henri de Jomini - the 19th Century Swiss military theorist and philosopher -- a contemporary and rival of Clausewitz. I was asked to compare the two and discuss "why", in an essay I was writing in pursuit of an online advanced degree. I was much more comfortable with Jomini's very rational and linear prescriptions -- it was recognizable, and fit better within the confines of my military experiences to that point.

My post command studies were interrupted by an OIF tasker to a MiTT where I was an embedded trainer with an Iraqi Infantry BN, and so changed my understanding of war. There are simply things which cannot be trained outside the context of it, and as has been observed by so many over time -- war is terrible, it is hell and it visits destruction unlike anything else. Consequently, my appreciation for Jomini greatly diminished as being too mechanistic (he did a good job describing the gears, but could not tell me how or why it worked), but my appreciation for Clausewitz is ever increasing. Clausewitz is hard to read because he commands you to think about what you are reading and place it within the context of your experience -- perhaps that is why I did not understand it before -- I simply lacked the commensurate experience to place it within the context required to make the leaps of understanding war that it offers.

Back to Beyerchen -- interpretation of Clausewitz rests on the premise that war is non-linear, or that in war sum of two parts will not necessarily equal the same thing within the changing contexts typified by the political environment that gives rise to war. Even if the means are the same, the outcome will be different; or put mathematically 2 + 2 will not always = 4. This is exactly the nature of war that I saw exhibited in Iraq, and that good leaders understand and carry out every day on the battlefield in applying the notion that what worked yesterday may not work tomorrow, and what worked in one place may not work in another -- it must be adapted. There are no constants because the forces at work are so subject to randomness that any two contacts, battles, campaigns, or wars will never play out the same. The leader might recognize similarities, and apply variations of the solutions that worked before, but to try and replicate the tactical, operational or strategic solution totally ignores the nature of war and is a gamble at best. We sometimes describe this as fighting the plan and not the fight, or ascribe it to leaders who ignore the reality of the situation at the peril of the mission and the unit they lead.

Within the Essay, Beyerchen uses the science of non-linear equations to explain the applicability of many of Clausewitz's better known, if misunderstood principles, and explain how the concept of non-linearity expresses itself in War. We often turn to History and marvel at the way an unforeseen event of seemingly small importance is explained to have some effect visibly out of proportion on its surface. A unit gets lost, comes out from an unexpected direction and at a time where other factors have influenced an enemy to the point where he abandons his position and breaks contact. The enemy's perception of real and unreal events forced a decision, that from our point of view, we may have seen as unreasonable. Consider how many times you may have driven past an IED ambush, but for whatever reason the enemy decided it was not the right time to execute that ambush. Consider the chance contact with AIF enroute to some other location that was quickly exploited while the non-linear forces acting upon the enemy were greatest, and resulted in destroying a large cell or seizing a large cache. It is the insticntive feel for knowing that there was more to it then just two Opals and a Bongo truck traveling in just a certain way that intuitively separated them from the thousands of other Opals and Bongo trucks in close proximity. Beyerchen makes relative the concept of fog, friction and chance by placing them in the chaotic environment of war as it exists in living, breathing, inter-active life vs. scripted, limited and designed events subject to artificial constraints.

So by now you may be asking what is the impact on leadership -- after all we have the traits of innovation and adaptive to guide us, and we have a fantastic OER bullet of "pentalthlete" to describe it on our report cards. Beyerchen has a quote in his essay (pg. 88) I think we should consider in our leadership development programs:

One implication is that full comprehension of the works of Clausewitz demands that we retrain our intuition. For historians, who have often been attracted rather then repelled by the subtleties of "On War", this may not be too unsettling of a task. But for those trained in the engineering and scientific fields, as are so many military officers and analysts, this retraining is likely to be a more wrenching and unwelcome experience. As the various scientists and mathematicians cited above (ed. within Beyerchen's essay) have suggested, the predominance of a linear intuition is endemic. Such an intuition guides value judgments and choices, with real world consequences.

With the range of military operations being so diverse while the means to accomplish political objectives remains relatively established with regard to those policies, the value of leadership is the only way to make up the difference. Leadership is the element of combat power that allows us to work within our limitations of organizational flexibility and the rest of the DOTLMPF to achieve the missions given to us. It is also the element we have the most control over in terms of shaping and preparing for the objective and subjective nature of war. While we do produce doctrine to frame problems, we should not appeal to it as a prescriptive solution, but rather as a descriptive outline. War is non-linear, it is full of contradictions and conditions which sometimes masquerade as problems and have no concrete final solutions, but instead offer only a slew of choices of which the best one must be constantly applied, evaluated and altered to meet a dynamic enemy subject to the same forces of war, but who perhaps interprets them differently to produce unforeseen actions, reactions, counter-actions. It is our leadership ability which will determine who best understands the conditions at the moment and near future, makes the best choice available and seizes the initiative to deny the enemy freedom of action. From my personal experience, I believe Clausewitz's description and contemplation of war has great depth and utility across the full spectrum of war and range of military operation. If they send a soldier to do it, then it stands to reason the potential for violence which requires armed force to counter it exists, and that the chaotic nature of war will require leaders to utilize non-linear intuition to make better decisions.

So What?

Is Clausewitz's fog, friction and chance, and Beyerchen's non-linearity applicable outside of pure combat, and therefore relevant to the other complex tasks asked of leaders today and tomorrow? Lets consider another area where social inter-action, or what Dave Matthews referred to as "The Space Between" is subject to non-linear influences. Army leaders have said one facet of the total person they want to produce in officers and NCOs is the "strategic communicator -- for most of us that sounds like a good thing -- so sign us up -- now what? On the service it is about a opaque as the term "Public Diplomacy" -- which I "think" means that we are trying to articulate our policy goals in a public way so that they are transparent to not only the governments with which we interact, but with the populations of those governments. I like that definition because it potentially acknowledges the complex environment in which communications takes place, and the ever-increasing number of forces which shape and alter messages and discourses surrounding new information.

Communications requires a sender, a message and a recipient at a minimum. Is it a good idea to assume that "message sent, message received" when the same message is addressed on multiple levels to a diverse, global audience where levels of culture, sub-culture, counter-culture etc. naturally filter, pervert and block messages? How about the interactivity between themes or narratives with other complex environments or systems? Even if a message were so clearly articulated that it were communicated well to the target audiences to the point they all heard the same thing at the same time, the other social systems within their environments would soon alter that message -- social systems are interactive by design and as such can't be stable from one moment to the next -- only more stable or less stable.

This is one reason it is so difficult to match our actions on the ground, or behind the doors where politics, business and other social actions are negotiated -- while the message communicated at a given time remains recorded and frozen for others to bring forward at will and scrutinize against our actions which are constantly under the unstable forces at work in the interactive spaces. The non-linearity of social activity between people defies attempts to perfectly arrange events that are frozen in time -- like a speech, or a testimony with events that are in a consistent state of flux such as relations between people, and their cultures, organizations, states, etc. This is nothing new, but it's a question of managing expectations and navigating the effects of non-linearity. So if you can't engineer a linear solution that is resistant to the effects of constant interaction, can you mitigate the effects?

It should not be surprising that we seek to "linearize" the future (in both the immediate and long range sense) given the appearance of linearization in historical events. For many, history (and other social sciences) often appears deterministic -- as if its various cause and effect relationships can be readily traced by working backwards- but is this true? How much of history is contingent upon nuances and events that go unrecorded because the context of their significance was never weighted accordingly, went largely unnoticed or was discounted as a non-factor given some bias present in personal accounts. While historical methodology goes to great pains to exclude bias it can only account for events which eventually make themselves evident so that the historian can account for them. That is the problem of considering complex social relationships absent the real-time context in which they took place -- they become somewhat isolated from their social setting.

By seeing History through a deterministic lens we often establish expectations for linear outcomes and ignore the complex environment which shapes the outcomes. For those familiar with 15-6 investigations -- we wind up looking for determinant causes of the incident under investigation. By doing this we try and establish a chain of responsibility and identify where the chain was broken. While we are often able to exclude those things not of direct consequence to get to the breakdown, we also take the breakdown out of the environment where it occurred to some degree. When we apply this same methodology to future events subject to context that has not even occurred yet, we risk isolating the event only to be viewed as we first envisioned it. The further in the future and the more complex the environment in which it will occur -- the greater the probability its character will be vastly altered from the way we imagined it would be.

So if we can't arrange complex events to guarantee a future outcome -- what can we do? We can start by acknowledging the requirements of a complex environment, and emphasizing what seems to come natural in some in order to spread those qualities to the extent possible to the broader leader population.

How do we do it?

So how might we equip leaders with the capability of non-linear intuition -- and what is it anyway? Non-linear intuition is, as many have said, about making leaders more adaptive and agile, but to the purpose of taking advantage of the environment as it unfolds and putting the enemy to a disadvantage or putting friendly efforts to greater advantage. So, how might we send people to complex operational environments already comfortable operating in "uncomfortable"? How do we cultivate non-linear intuition within our formations? Can we apply non-linear intuition to the many "other then military" tasks that confront military leaders on yesterday's, today's and tomorrow's battlefields?

While this essay is not about advisory duty, it is the perspective I'll need to use it to talk about complex environments and how it changed the way I thought -- others doing different jobs I war, may have had like experiences. It is also timely given the current increase in advisors, the debates about future Army force structure and the ways in which we might approach the security challenges of tomorrow. While many of my experiences in command and staff positions, and traits like confidence and courage fostered by military service did help me adapt and overcome some of the problems with operating as a small team with indigenous forces, there were many things that were unfamiliar and complex in ways beyond my experiences to date. I had to influence several layers of Iraqi command structure (in some cases the range went from below the battalion to which we were advising to Iraqi MOD levels), our own MiTT levels, our Coalition Force partner unit at various levels as well as learning where we might have indirect influence that would benefit the mission such as the local PRT and local business men, muktars and sheiks. On any given day I'd touch some or all of those at various levels -- and they all would often want different information, have different requirements or possibly be working counter to some or all of the rest -- I was hip deep in trying to create a common operating picture, explain motivations, and synchronize efforts. Some of this I was conscious of, and some I was not -- I suspect that some or all of the others were just as involved with either the same group, or parts of the same group.

It was a highly ambiguous environment where I did not really own any resources, had very little (if any) authority to directly arrange things, and one in which measuring progress toward goals was subjective, and hard to articulate to all involved. It was uncomfortable and hard to get used to at times because not only were others working on their own timelines, but because my other experiences as an Infantry officer to that point were largely objective -- it was as though the subjectivity normally only associated with my personal life (you know, marriage, kids and other complex relationships) had suddenly taken over my professional life. I had been raised to look at everything as a tactical problem that had an obvious and immediate solution which could be engaged and put to bed so I could move on to the next objective. This was very different -- I might spend months working on what was by outward appearance a very inconsequential thing, but which my gut told me had much broader and reaching consequences. Often I went to sleep wondering what if anything I had accomplished that day. It was unsettling to a professional soldier who had largely trained and operated in the physical world where buildings and hills, or elements of an enemy force were the measures by which I graded my efforts. It was not until I could consider the whole tour from a very macro perspective that I got any real satisfaction from what we'd accomplished.

Recently in an interview with Inside Defense, LTG Caldwell talked about an Army learning culture that was built on teaching "how" and not "what" to think. I think there may be a need to take what we do in the classroom of our PME and create opportunities for, and foster a culture of looking toward opportunities where we can be uncomfortable -- situations that provide the opportunities for the application of non-linear intuition to solve problems and reward risk takers. Advisory duty with indigenous forces, Inter-Agency Stints, duty on the Hill, perhaps even working at the state and local levels with civilians and public officials are good ways to place our leaders in uncomfortable situations that help them temper our A type personalities and tendencies prevalent in our culture of "series of Branch Qualifying jobs & stepping stones to the next echelon of command".

There is a linkage I believe between learning to be comfortable in the "uncomfortable" and developing non-linear intuition, ultimately however what a leader learns from an experience is up to him or her. The institution can provide the education, the opportunity and can even foster cultural flexibility by being tolerant of risk and encouraging diversity by reflecting it in its reward system (promotions and assignments), but ultimately this is an individual choice. If a leader believes they are an A type personality and that they can never be comfortable in a non-linear environment, then they probably never will be.

Now I realize that by today's academic standards I may not have applied adequate scientific rigor in coming to my own conclusions about non-linear behavior in complex social relationships and interactions. However, for me it is about reflecting on my own experiences so that in light of new perspectives gained from others considering similar experiences, I might better understand my own and gain insights that help me meet new challenges and responsibilities in the future. Clausewitz did a great deal of thinking about war that go well beyond examining it in the Napoleonic context, his insights into the nature of war as a social phenomena, as an extension of political behavior and that enduring objective qualities as well as those subjective qualities that are derived from the locations in which war originates hold the type of value that can not be digested in one setting and can be read and reread time and again to gain new insights.

Works cited include:

Byerchen, Alan, "Clausewitz, Non-Linearity, and the Unpredictability of War, International Security, VOL. 17, No. 3 (Winter, 1992-1993), pgs 59-60

Victor David Hanson and Robert B Strassler editors of The Landmark Thucydides; a comprehensive guide to the Peloponnesian War; Touchstone Books, NY NY 1998

Carl Von Clausewitz, ON WAR, ed. and translated by Michael Howard and Peter Paret; Princeton Univ Press, Princeton NJ,1976

COIN Seminar with DR David Kilcullen at MCB Quantico, VA. On 26 SEP 07.

Weapon of Choice (Updated)

Sun, 09/30/2007 - 3:25am

Weapon of Choice - Rick Atkinson, Washington Post, and General Montgomery Meigs, Joint IED Defeat Organzation

Additional Video Interviews Concerning IEDs - Washington Post

'The single most effective weapon against our deployed forces' - Rick Atkinson, Washington Post

It began with a bang and "a huge white blast," in the description of one witness who outlived that Saturday morning, March 29, 2003. At a U.S. Army checkpoint straddling Highway 9, just north of Najaf, four soldiers from the 3rd Infantry Division, part of the initial invasion of Iraq, had started to search an orange-and-white taxicab at 11:30 a.m. when more than 100 pounds of C-4 plastic explosive detonated in the trunk.

The explosion tossed the sedan 15 feet down the road, killing the soldiers, the cabdriver -- an apparent suicide bomber -- and a passerby on a bicycle. Lt. Col. Scott E. Rutter, a battalion commander who rushed to the scene from his command post half a mile away, saw in the smoking crater and broken bodies on Highway 9 "a recognition that now we were entering into an area of warfare that's going to be completely different."

Since that first fatal detonation of what is now known as an improvised explosive device, more than 81,000 IED attacks have occurred in Iraq, including 25,000 so far this year, according to U.S. military sources. The war has indeed metastasized into something "completely different," a conflict in which the roadside bomb in its many variants -- including "suicide, vehicle-borne" -- has become the signature weapon in Iraq and Afghanistan, as iconic as the machine gun in World War I or the laser-guided "smart bomb" in the Persian Gulf War of 1991...

'The IED problem is getting out of control. We've got to stop the bleeding.' - Rick Atkinson, Washington Post

By the late summer of 2002, as the first anniversary of the Sept. 11 attacks on New York and Washington approached, an American victory in Afghanistan appeared all but assured.

A pro-Western government had convened in Kabul. Reconstruction teams fanned out through the provinces. U.S. and coalition troops hunted Taliban and al-Qaeda remnants in the mountains along the Pakistani border.

Among the few shadows on this sunny Central Asian tableau -- besides the escape of Osama bin Laden -- was the first appearance of roadside bombs triggered by radio waves.

There were not many. U.S. forces would report fewer than two dozen improvised explosive devices of all sorts in Afghanistan in 2002. But the occasional RC -- radio-controlled -- bombs were much more sophisticated than the booby traps with trip wires typically seen by American troops...

'There was a two-year learning curve... and a lot of people died in those two years' - Rick Atkinson, Washington Post

As Gen. John P. Abizaid began his second year at U.S. Central Command in July 2004, the simple solutions he had hoped would defeat improvised explosive devices in Iraq seemed further away than ever. More than 100 American soldiers had been killed by bombs in the first half of the year, and IED attacks were spiraling toward an average of 15 per day.

Eager for creative ideas, Abizaid told Centcom subordinates in August that he would accept what became known as "the 51 percent solution": If a new counter-IED gadget or technique had a better than even chance of success, it would be welcome in the theater. "Listen, if you have something that's greater than 50 percent, then get it forward," he also told Brig. Gen. Joseph L. Votel, director of the Pentagon's Joint IED Task Force. "I've got the greatest testing ground in the world in Iraq."

That testing ground was soon put to use in IED Blitz, an elaborate experiment concocted in late summer by the Pentagon's joint staff...

'You can't armor your way out of this problem' - Rick Atkinson, Washington Post

On Aug. 3, 2005, the deadliest roadside bomb ever encountered by U.S. troops in Iraq detonated beneath a 26-ton armored personnel carrier, killing 14 Marines and revealing yet another American vulnerability in the struggle against improvised explosive devices.

"Huge fire and dust rose from the place of the explosion," an Iraqi witness reported from the blast site in Haditha, in Anbar province. In Baghdad and in Washington, the bleak recognition that a new species of bomb -- the underbelly, or "deep buried," IED -- could demolish any combat vehicle in the U.S. arsenal "was a light-bulb moment for sure," as a Pentagon analyst later put it...

'If you don't go after the network, you're never going to stop these guys. Never.' - Rick Atkinson, Washington Post

In the early spring of 2006, perhaps the most important document in Baghdad was known as the MOASS -- the Mother of All Spreadsheets-- a vast compilation of radio frequencies that insurgents used to trigger roadside bombs.

In some areas of Iraq, 70 percent of all improvised explosive devices were radio-controlled, and they caused more than half of all American combat deaths. An overworked Army intelligence officer tracked the frequencies, and an equally overworked Navy electrical engineer matched them against 14 varieties of electronic jammer used by coalition forces...

Desperate for Bad News - Michael Goldfarb, Weekly Standard

The Washington Post today prints the first in a series of stories by Rick Atkinson on the IED threat in Iraq and Afghanistan and the Pentagon's response to it. The title of the piece: "'The IED problem is getting out of control. We've got to stop the bleeding.'" That quote is damning, but fortunately, it's also four years old...

It's heard to say where this series is going, and to be honest, I don't have too many complaints about the first piece. As a history of the IED problem, it seems accurate so far, ending in mid-2004 with the military's "Manhattan Project-like" approach to defeating the IED. I remain deeply skeptical of that approach, which the military pursued with little success in an attempt to find a technological rather than a tactical solution to the IED problem. There is no silver-bullet, miracle jammer, or armored vehicle that will completely eliminate the threat from the IED--the only real solution is to kill the bad guys who are building, facilitating, and emplacing these devices. But Atkinson seems to get that, quoting Admiral Macy in the introduction to the series...

Who's Blogging?

IED as a Weapon of Strategic Influence: Creating the Blackwater Nightmare - MountainRunner

The IED - Abu Muqawama

Vietnam Sunday

Sun, 09/30/2007 - 2:51am

The Wall

Paint it Black

There Must be Some Kind of Way Out of Here

Gimme Shelter

Goodnight Saigon

It's My Life

Blowin' in the Wind

There Must be Some Kind of Way Out of Here II

Good Morning Vietnam

Small Wars, No Small Debate

Sat, 09/29/2007 - 2:56am
Herschel Smith, Captain's Journal, weighs in with two posts concerning LTC Gian Gentile's Armed Forces Journal article Eating Soup With a Spoon and 'hard vs. soft' COIN:

Small Wars are Still Wars

... I cannot possibly hope to recapitulate the breadth or depth of discussion in the thread at the Small Wars Council, but would hasten to point out several things concerning the discussion now that the subject has become a little more ripe and the argument is slowing. First, I agree wholeheartedly with Gentile's rebuke of the notion that counterinsurgency is "armed social science." Second, concerning Dr. Metz's statement that "we treat counterinsurgency as a variant of war not because that is the most strategically effective approach, but because we have been unable to transcend Cold War thinking," I respond that counterinsurgency has been a variant of war since at least the Roman empire (which faced a Jewish insurgency in Jerusalem), or even before. In recent history, all one needs for proof of principal is the Small Wars Manual, published in 1940, well before the cold war...

A Modest Proposal

There is yet another discussion thread at the Small Wars Journal that convinces me that I must try one more time to explain the involvement that coalition forces should have with culture and religion in a counterinsurgency campaign. Much confusion swirls around this issue because, in part, people reflexively respond (a) by assuming that you are calling for a holy war, or (b) assuming that your mindset is one of a social scientist hunting for another lever to pull or button to push to cause certain reactions. The former category reacts to my modest proposal by denying that religion should have any role in how one man relates to another, with the later category honestly attempting to engage the issue, but as counterinsurgency professionals using ideas such as center of gravity and societal power structure. Neither camp really gets it yet. So let's use two simple examples that might show how religion and cultural understanding might aid the counterinsurgency effort in Iraq. These examples are not meant to be sweeping or comprehensive, nor am I constructing doctrine in a short, simple little article. I am attempting to make this simple rather than complex...

Discussion on these issues can be found at the following SWJ and SWC links:

Will the Petraeus Strategy Be the Last? by Bing West

Armed Forces Journal by SWJ Editors

Eating Soup with a Spoon - Small Wars Council

Engaging the Mosque - Small Wars Council

IHT Op Ed: A Soldier in Iraq - Small Wars Council

Iraq and the "Metrics" System

Fri, 09/28/2007 - 7:21am
September 2007 Foreign Policy Research Institute E-note - Iraq and the "Metrics" System by Michael Noonan. Hat tip to Frank Hoffman for sending this along.

Michael P. Noonan is a veteran of Operation Iraqi Freedom, where he served on a Military Transition Team with an Iraqi Army light infantry battalion. He is the managing director of FPRI's national security program.

The past few weeks have introduced a whirlwind of reporting on the current situation in Iraq. In particular, the reports of the Independent Commission on the Security Forces in Iraq, the U.S. General Accountability Office's report, and the September 10-11, 2007 testimonies of Ambassador Ryan C. Crocker and Army General David Petraeus before the House and Senate Armed Services and Foreign Affairs committees, respectively, have caused much debate and political mudslinging. The pro- and anti-Bush camps tend to see such reports entirely through their own analytical prism. Worse still, each side has some ground to stand on in making their particular arguments, because the metrics for judging success or retrogression on the ground are often inexact and therefore can yield contradictory findings for or against the war. That being said, the surge and refined counterinsurgency strategy that began earlier this year does appear to be working. Whether the metrics continue on an upward path remains to be seen; still, given the consequences of defeat, they suggest that the current strategy should be allowed to continue until the spring, at which time a fuller picture of the situation on the ground should determine whether the strategy should be totally reexamined and other options undertaken. What follows is a discussion of the surge strategy, the abovementioned reports, and the options moving forward to provide more context and evidence for the position stated above...

Read the entire E-note.