Narco Tribunals: Gender-Based Violence as a Tool of Power in the Favelas

The recent release of videos showing women subjected to a degrading act of violence, with their hair forcibly shaved in the Serrinha community in Rio de Janeiro’s North Zone, has sparked a necessary debate about the power dynamics perpetuating gender oppression in the favelas.

Similar practices have occurred in other historical contexts, such as in post-World War II France, when women who had relationships with German soldiers were publicly humiliated with the same type of punishment.[1] These practices reflect the intersection of social control exercised by Illegal Armed Groups (IAGs)[2] and the structural machismo that dominates urban violence. Furthermore, they expose power dynamics that normalize oppression against women in these territories.

Criminal Governance and Gender-Based Violence

Criminal governance practices are structured to maintain territorial control and discipline bodies and behaviors. This criminal governance, as discussed by Júlia Quirino in her dissertation “Crime Panopticon,”[3] draws on Michel Foucault’s reflections on biopolitics, describing how power regulates the lives and behaviors of individuals, shaping their choices and conduct.[4]

In territories controlled by drug trafficking, this governance assumes a peculiar form, blending elements of sovereign and disciplinary control. It employs tactics designed to maintain internal order, often rooted in patriarchal norms that perpetuate the marginalization of women.

The case in question involves the so-called ‘trafficking tribunal’ in which gang leaders judge and punish those who violate their rules. Women, in particular, are frequent targets of punishments exploiting their physical and social vulnerabilities. This dynamic reflects a patriarchy that limits women’s choices and reinforces their subjugation. The act of forcibly shaving a woman’s hair symbolizes not only submission but also an attempt to publicly dehumanize them as a tool of oppression, reinforcing the hegemonic masculinity that dominates these spaces.

Shaving a woman’s head as punishment for alleged betrayal or gossip is an extreme manifestation of machismo and misogyny, deeply rooted in society. This form of gender-based violence reflects not only the internal dynamics of IAGs but also broader structural issues. Practices like these demonstrate how women are often treated as the “property” of men, subject to imposed norms that limit their autonomy and freedom. In this context, IAGs regulate not only the economic activities and flow of goods within their territories but also the individual choices of residents, shaping their daily lives entirely.

Women in Drug Trafficking: The “Pink Belt”

Historically, women in communities controlled by Illegal Armed Groups (IAGs) have been relegated to passive or supportive roles. This dynamic reflects not only gender oppression but also the hierarchical structures imposed by these groups, which employ disciplinary practices to legitimize their authority within the community.

However, in recent years, there has been a rise in female participation in leadership roles, such as managers, “drug lords,” or bodyguards, although still limited compared to male representation.[5] Despite this increase, women’s involvement in leadership positions in trafficking remains heavily shaped by gender inequality. Data from the National Secretariat of Penal Policies (2022) reveal that 54% of incarcerated women in Brazil were arrested for drug-related offenses, compared to 27.65% of men.[6] These figures highlight the disproportionate impact of criminalization on women, often involved in lower-profile activities within criminal organizations.

The expression “Pink Belt” (“Faixa Rosa”) refers to women directly involved in drug trafficking, especially those carrying rifles. The term alludes to the sling used to hold weapons. The term “Black Belt” (“Faixa Preta”), on the other hand, is used to describe men involved in drug trafficking who carry rifles. Here, “belt” also refers to the weapon sling, while “black” evokes associations with skill and danger. Just as a black belt in martial arts symbolizes mastery, respect, and a high level of expertise, the term conveys an image of armed men as highly skilled and dangerous combatants within criminal organizations. In contrast, “calicas” (“calicos”) represent a different group: women not directly involved in trafficking but connected to the local culture. They attend funk parties and maintain relationships with members of armed groups (IAG).

Rayane Nazareth Cardoso da Silveira, known as “Hello Kitty,” is a prominent example of female leadership in drug trafficking.[7] Described as “beloved,” “vain,” yet also “courageous” and “violent,” she challenged stereotypes associating women in crime with masculinization. The Pink Belt often maintain an appearance considered “feminine,” personalizing weapons with vibrant colors and shiny adornments while adopting active roles in a male-dominated and conflict-ridden environment.

Another striking case is that of Gabrielly Pantoja Machado, known as “Faixa Rosa.” Killed in 2023 during a police operation, she served as a bodyguard for Leonardo Costa Araújo, known as “Pará,” an uncommon role for women in such a high-risk environment. Photos depict Gabrielly holding a rifle, wearing a vest, and adorned with gold chains, reaffirming her influence within the Comando Vermelho (Red Command) and breaking stereotypes associated with passive female roles.

These cases highlight the complex gender dynamics within Illegal Armed Groups (IAGs). While they challenge the traditionally submissive roles of women in these contexts, these figures also reveal how gender inequality persists, even when women occupy leadership positions. Furthermore, the media visibility of these women raises questions about how they are represented, either perpetuating or challenging narratives that link gender, power, and criminality.

The Responsibility of the State and Society

Although these practices are carried out by IAGs, they are not detached from state failures. The absence of effective public policies to ensure women’s safety and rights creates a vacuum filled by groups like the Red Command. Moreover, the stigmatization of women in these communities as “accomplices” or “property” of traffickers reinforces narratives of blame that hinder social mobilization in defense of their rights. Society must break away from this reductionist perspective and recognize that women are often victims of multiple forms of systemic violence.

Conclusion: The Path to Change

Overcoming this cycle of violence requires a collective effort that goes beyond punishing those responsible. It is essential to implement policies promoting gender education, economic autonomy, and social inclusion for women in vulnerable territories. Only by addressing the structural roots of this violence, including machismo and state neglect, can we construct a scenario where such practices no longer find a place to exist.

The case of women with shaved heads serves as a stark reminder of the urgency to rethink power dynamics perpetuating gender inequality. Let this tragic episode act as a catalyst for a deeper debate about women’s rights across all spheres of society.

Sources

Michel Foucault, Vigiar e Punir: história da violência nas prisões. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1995.

“Police investigate video of women whose hair was forcibly shaved in a Rio community.” G1 (Globo). 7 January 2025, https://g1.globo.com/rj/rio-de-janeiro/noticia/2025/01/07/policia-investiga-video-de-mulheres-que-tiveram-cabelos-raspados-a-forca-em-comunidade-do-rio.ghtml.

“Senad discute situação de mulheres encarceradas no contexto de drogas no Brasil.” Brasília: Ministério da Justiça e Segurança Pública [Ministry of Justice and Public] Security, 2022]. 5 December 2023, Referring to National Secretariat of Penal Policies. Report on the situation of incarceration in Brazil. Brasília: Ministry of Justice and Public Security, 2022, https://www.gov.br/mj/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/senad-discute-situacao-de-mulheres-encarceradas-no-contexto-de-drogas-no-brasil.

“Police investigate video of women whose hair was forcibly shaved in a Rio community.” G1 (Globo).  7 January 2025, https://g1.globo.com/rj/rio-de-janeiro/noticia/2025/01/07/policia-investiga-video-de-mulheres-que-tiveram-cabelos-raspados-a-forca-em-comunidade-do-rio.ghtml.

Júlia Quiino, “Crime Panopticon: the criminal governance of the Red Command in Rio de Janeiro.” Unpublished dissertation. 2024.

Fabrice Virgili, La France “virile”: des femmes tondues à La Libération. Paris: Payot, 2000.

Alba Zaluar, “Mulher de Bandido: crônica de uma cidade menos musical [Bandit’s Woman: chronicle of a less musical city].” Feminist Studies, Vol.1, no. 1, pp. 135–142, 1993. Available at: http://educa.fcc.org.br/pdf/ref/v01n01/v01n01a08.pdf.

Endnotes

N.B. An earlier version of this research note appeared on the author’s blog, Júlia Quiino tagged under Governança Criminal on 11 January 2025. See: https://juliaquirino.com.br/tribunal-do-trafico-violencia-de-genero-como-ferramenta-de-poder-nas-favelas/.

[1] Fabrice Virgili, La France “virile”: des femmes tondues à La Libération. Paris: Payot, 2000.

[2] Illegal Armed Groups (IAGs) or Grupos armados ilegais (GAI) in Portuguese are also known as Criminal Armed Groups or Grupos armados criminosos (CAGs). See John P. Sullivan. “Crime wars: Operational perspectives on criminal armed groups in Mexico and Brazil.” International Review of the Red Cross. IRRC No.23, June 2023, https://international-review.icrc.org/articles/crime-wars-operational-perspectives-923.

[3] Júlia Quiino, “Crime Panopticon: the criminal governance of the Red Command in Rio de Janeiro.” Unpublished dissertation. 2024.

[4] Michel Foucault, Vigiar e Punir: história da violência nas prisões. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1995.

[5] Alba Zaluar, “Mulher de Bandido: crônica de uma cidade menos musical [Bandit’s Woman: chronicle of a less musical city].” Feminist Studies, Vol.1, no. 1, p. 135.

[7] Rayane Nazareth Cardozo da Silveira was a Brazilian gospel singer with links to the Comando Vermelho and evangelical Christianity. She was killed in a police action on 16 June 2021 in São Gonçalo, Rio de Janeiro.