Three years ago, Air and Space Power Journal published my vortices regarding the lack of physical and personnel security training provided by our nation's Air Force. As a newly-commissioned officer, I informally interviewed another newly-commissioned lieutenant who had deployed to combat-stricken Afghanistan during his enlisted service and to a senior colonel with 100+ flying hours as a combat navigator on the B-52 Stratofortress. Both combat veterans were trained in defense mechanisms and small arms weaponry just prior to their respective deployments.
However, these officers readily stated that in a situation where all ammunition is expended and with enemy soldiers or insurgents / terrorists remaining active and present, their respective capacity for survival in a hand-to-hand combat environment was non-existent. Today, my concern is solidified; Airmen are woefully unprepared to defend themselves. Training in close-quarters combatives and the utilization of weapons of opportunity is an urgent requirement for our Air Force.
In 2009, the Obama administration will attempt to deliver on campaign promises to change the Afghan war's trajectory. In April, the Strasbourg NATO summit will determine the alliance's role in shaping the future of the country and the region. By the fall, Afghans will have voted for their president for only the second time since 2001, an event which may irrevocably set the country's course. By the end of this summer's fighting season, the war in Afghanistan will not yet be won, but it could well be lost.
After seven years and the deaths of more than a thousand American and coalition troops, there is still no consensus on whether the future of Afghanistan matters to the United States and Europe, or on what can realistically be achieved there. Afghanistan does matter. A stable Afghanistan is necessary to defeat Al Qaeda and to further stability in South and Central Asia. Understanding the war in Afghanistan, maintaining domestic and international support for it, and prosecuting it well requires three things: a clear articulation of U.S. interests in Afghanistan, a concise definition of what the coalition seeks to achieve there, and a detailed strategy to guide the effort.
U.S. interests in Afghanistan may be summarized as "two no's": there must be no sanctuary for terrorists with global reach in Afghanistan, and there must be no broader regional meltdown. Securing these objectives requires helping the Afghans to build a sustainable system of governance that can adequately ensure security for the Afghan people—the "yes" upon which a successful exit strategy depends.
America's national security structure is designed to confront the challenges of the last century rather than our own...
We can and must do better. As Secretary of Defense Robert Gates has noted, the national security community continues to devote the vast majority of its resources to preparing for conventional state-on-state conflicts, but "the most likely catastrophic threats to our homeland—for example, an American city poisoned or reduced to rubble by a terrorist attack—are more likely to emanate from failing states than from aggressor states." For that reason, Gates has been a vocal advocate of increasing the resources devoted to accomplishing U.S. objectives abroad without relying on military power. In what he describes as a "man bites dog" moment in political Washington, he has argued outspokenly for reinforcements for his comrades in arms in other departments, including Justice, Agriculture, and Commerce...
U.S. military planners worldwide will use the Capstone concept to drive "future joint solutions and guide future joint force development work," Navy Adm. Mike Mullen said.
U.S. Joint Forces Command led the concept's development, with input from the military services, combatant commands and the Joint Staff. This is the concept's first update since August 2005, when then-Chairman Air Force Gen. Richard B. Myers signed the document.
The capstone concept details the main security challenges facing the joint force: winning the nation's wars, deterring adversaries, developing cooperative security, defending the homeland and responding to civil crises.
U.S. joint forces "will need to be able to apply combat power in more varied, measured and discriminate ways than ever before," the document states.
The concept incorporates lessons learned in current operations and describes in broad terms how the joint force will operate in the complex, changing and uncertain environments of the future. It also looks beyond purely military solutions, addressing the fact that conflict today may not be solved solely with military assets.
"Today's challenges and threats are not strictly military in nature, solved or countered by military means alone," Mullen said. "We owe future generations a longer-term view of security. The concept is designed to help military and other national security leaders think about challenges and opportunities."
Training allied militaries may be as important as employing U.S. combat power, according to the concept. The document also emphasizes that the American military must be ready to handle a wide range of challenges, from humanitarian missions to all-out war.
The concept is a template planners can use as they look at specific situations. It also calls on planners to assess operations continually and adjust and adapt as needed.
Joint Forces Command will test the concept in a series of experiments this year, officials said. Planners will use the results of these experiments to inform the next Quadrennial Defense Review.
Yesterday, President Barack Obama held the first meeting of his military cabinet. Expectations are huge; among those in attendance was Gen. David Petraeus, the commander in chief of Centcom and the officer who will be responsible for the Obama administration's strategy in Iraq and Afghanistan.
For some insight into what Gen. Petraeus expects from President Obama, I spoke with a friend of his; Col. Peter Mansoor (Ret)., a key adviser who served two tours in Iraq. Mansoor is the author of Baghdad at Sunrise and an architect of the counterinsurgency doctrine that proved successful in Iraq. Mansoor is now a professor of history at Ohio State University...
Military Brass Joins Wired Troops: Admirals and generals hope to connect with soldiers via their own Facebook pages and blogs. But will they tweet?
Christian Science Monitor article by Gordon Lubold, and no we aren't making this up, that cites Small Wars Journal and innovation in the same breath... Damn, just damn.
Some of the US military's top flag officers are becoming dedicated bloggers and attempting to change the military and extend their reach, one Facebook "friend" at a time.
They are using the Internet and social media to reach down within their own traditionally top-down organizations -- and outside them, too -- to do something the military isn't known for: creating more transparency to empower young military leaders and the public.
Some senior officers say transforming the military means more than buying next-generation vehicles or developing new training. It's giving more people more access to what they're doing and thinking. That's already happening as top officers create their own blog sites and Facebook pages in order to keep pace with the plugged-in, hyperconnected charges they lead...
As social media expands and its value becomes more apparent, those kinds of policies may be reassessed, defense officials say. Meanwhile, sites like Small Wars Journal (SWJ), a respected online forum, offer warrior academics a chance to vet ideas and build consensus.
"It connects the top thinkers on the direction the military should go as it adapts to the wars in the 21st century," says John Nagl, a former Army officer and author who is a regular part of the debate on SWJ. "It allows instantaneous feedback and ideas to be debated in real time, and it accelerates the debate."...
More at CSM - and a hearty thanks - as well as a Tip of the Hat (Akubra is my brand) Gordon and John - much appreciated, to say the least.
... In no small part due to a comment in the article by John Nagl, the Small Wars Journal gets an honorable mention in this article as an example where new media is having influence in the national security debate. While it is possible other areas of new media are having a similar effect, I would argue the Small Wars Journal is the exception, not the rule, and is the only place this is happening. What makes the Small Wars Journal unique?
Because it is where active and retired members of the military want to debate their ideas, want their opinions in the open source on any given topic, and Dave has tapped into a community that has become comfortable with their ideas debated in an open forum. The Small Wars Journal has the capacity to "help shape the public debate about national security policy" primarily because those involved in the debate have found value participating in the public debate...
More at ID and another thanks and a tip of the hat.
... Tradtional think tanks are not set up to do what SWJ does because they come with either ideological baggage (Heritage, Brookings Carnegie) or institutional affiliations (SSI, CNA, Hoover) that preemptively circumscribe membership, discussion and research interests for fear of drying up the revenue stream. Few large donors, be they Uncle Sam, Richard Mellon Scaife or George Soros, are motivated to open their checkbook by the idea of unfettered inquiry and unlimited time horizons or providing a platform to their professional or political opponents. Attempts by official orgs to imitate SWJ will result in costly but sterile echo chambers. Genuine Web 2.0 interactivity is not desired because it is spontaneous and unpredictable but without that interactivity there's no spark, no insight and no intellectual productivity...
US spy agencies' sensitive data should soon be linked by Google-like search systems, nearly five years after the intelligence community was rebuked by the 9/11 Commission for failing to "connect the dots" and detect the attack.
Director of National Intelligence Mike McConnell has launched a sweeping technology program to knit together the thousands of databases across all 16 spy agencies. After years of bureaucratic snafus, intelligence analysts will be able to search through secret intelligence files the same way they can search public data on the Internet.
Mr. McConnell's new technology program is also addressing a more basic problem: Spies often have trouble emailing colleagues in other US intelligence agencies, because email addresses aren't readily accessible, and messages sometimes get eaten by security filters. Mr. McConnell aims to solve that by uniting the agencies' email systems into a single system with a full directory that links names, expertise and addresses.
Wanted to provide you some insights from trips to Afghanistan, Iraq, and the UK we have had in last month and to solicit your thoughts on a concept to form a "COIN CFE Triad" and potentially an "ABCA COIN Constellation" to harmonize efforts in a time of increasing demand, greater complexity, and diminishing resources. We see this as supportive of Secretary Gates' recent call to "institutionalize capabilities such as counterinsurgency" (a must read -- link here) and welcome your feedback:..
Appreciate everyone's efforts this past year toward the continued enhancement of counterinsurgency capabilities in support of our troops. While there has been progress across many fronts, there is much yet to be done. The nation's ability to institutionalize its counterinsurgency, security force assistance, and stability operations competencies has been a hot topic of senior leadership this past month (see President's Dec 08 USMA speech and Secretary of Defense's Jan 09 article in Foreign Affairs). It is important to emphasize that these skills should not be in competition with, but inherent to, full-spectrum capabilities...
President Barack Obama took the oath of office as the 44th president of the United States and delivered an inaugural address focusing on the themes of sacrifice and renewal on 20 January 2009.
Inaugural Address of President Barack Obama
20 January 2009
President Barack Obama
Thank you. Thank you.
My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.
I thank President Bush for his service to our nation as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.
The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.
Homes have been lost, jobs shed, businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly, our schools fail too many, and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable, but no less profound, is a sapping of confidence across our land; a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real, they are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this America: They will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less.
It has not been the path for the faint-hearted, for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.
Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West, endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died in places Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed.
Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.
The state of our economy calls for action: bold and swift. And we will act not only to create new jobs but to lay a new foundation for growth.
We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.
We will restore science to its rightful place and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its costs.
We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.
All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions, who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short, for they have forgotten what this country has already done, what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them, that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long, no longer apply.
The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works, whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.
Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end.
And those of us who manage the public's knowledge will be held to account, to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day, because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched.
But this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control. The nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.
The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on the ability to extend opportunity to every —heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.
Our founding fathers faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.
Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake.
And so, to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.
They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use. Our security emanates from the justness of our cause; the force of our example; the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy, guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort, even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We'll begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people and forge a hard- earned peace in Afghanistan.
With old friends and former foes, we'll work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat and roll back the specter of a warming planet.
We will not apologize for our way of life nor will we waver in its defense.
And for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that, "Our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken. You cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you."
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.
We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus, and nonbelievers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth.
And because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.
To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict or blame their society's ills on the West, know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.
To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history, but that we will extend a hand if you are —to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.
And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders, nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.
We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service: a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.
And yet, at this moment, a moment that will define a generation, it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.
It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break; the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.
It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new, the instruments with which we meet them may be new, but those values upon which our success depends, honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old.
These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.
What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence: the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed, why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall. And why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day in remembrance of who we are and how far we have traveled.
In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by nine campfires on the shores of an icy river.
The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood.
At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet it."
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words; with hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come; let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
I'm one of the many hundreds of millions today who watched you take the Oath of Office to become the 44th President of the United States. (and who would miss a chance to see the United States Marine Corps Band -- known since 1801 as "The President's Own" -- open the ceremonies?) And your inaugural speech was even more impressive.
You've got an interesting four years ahead of you. Between the economy and two wars, your first day at work will be a long one...so having spent a fair amount of time in Iraq and Afghanistan in 2008, let me make a few suggestions that might make your first day a little easier:
1 -- Pull the Marines out of Anbar -- now. You have 23,000 Marines sitting in the desert doing nothing. General John Kelly, the Marine CG in Anbar, gave an interview last week where he said that he considers his year in Anbar a failure -- because he couldn't convince the Shia Government in Baghdad to fund normal reconstruction projects like schools, hospitals, or anything else that would improve the standard of living in this Sunni province. If Maleki and the GoI doesn't care about Iraq, how can we ? And you can put your Marines to a far better use...
2 -- Send 23,000 Marines to Afghanistan.
2A- Put the fight in Afghanistan under command of the Marine Corps.
Since you want to 'win' in Afghanistan, let's do it right this time. Here's how:
Afghanistan is a small wars fight against two enemies; 1 -the Taliban, who we can beat, and 2 -- Corruption in Kabul, which we cannot. Right now we're losing the support of the locals because they have no trust in the ANP's or their own government. Until their central government can regularly provide the basic services that American and Coalition force currently provide, why would any local side with us or Karzai over the Taliban?
But with the Marines in charge, it'll be run differently. As the Marines get out in the field with the ANA, (it's called "Muscular Mentoring", and the ANA loves it) we'll be building an ANA that can control its own battle space. Their 201st Corps already handles its own logistics, planning, and fighting -- have our Army get away from mentoring via powerpoint, and get out in the field and walk point with the ANA.
Stop the 'big project' nonsense. This is the third poorest country on earth, and we're spending hundreds of millions of dollars rebuilding power plants? These folks live in mud-brick huts...they own nothing they can plug into the expensive power grid!! Instead, start a thousand micro-loan projects like Grameen Bank did in Bangladesh...even better, hire Mohammed Yunis (Grameen's CEO, initiator of the microloan strategy and winner of the Nobel Prize) and let him run it. By the way, he's a Muslim from Bangladesh; he understands poor Islamic societies better than we do.
Let the Marines fight in the villages. Do you know why the Marines 'won' Anbar ? Because the Sunni's in Ramadi saw that the Marines would fight -- and beat -- AQI. And as the Sunni's joined up with the Marines, their services improved- they got jobs - their economy improved- and then the other Sunni's saw the improvements and wanted in...and all this was 'pre-surge'. It'll work here. And with 23,000 more Marines over there, you've now got enough for them to fight and live with the ANA in the villages. This kind of security will give the villagers the confidence in their own army and local --provincial governments that will let them build a decent local economy and marginalize the corrupt Karzai government.
Get the Army off their huge stupid bases where bureaucracy flourishes. Put them in the field where they belong. Their "creature comforts" have gotten out of control...Burger Kings, Orange Julius, jewelry stores, -do you know they now offer massage services at Bagram? In a war zone?
Level with the American public about what we're trying to do in Afghanistan. We're not going to turn this place into a garden of democracy; we just want to build a relatively stable country that won't launch another 9/11. (ask me about nuclear Pakistan and the Northwest Territories next week).
Catch- and kill - Osama Bin Laden. His still being alive should be an embarrassment to the Bush administration; it certainly casts America as ineffective. By killing him you can send a message to those who hate the United States that if you f___ k with us, it'll cost you. After all, this was why we sent the Marines to Afghanistan back in October 2001.
You've got our support...good luck!
Andrew Lubin is an author and journalist focusing on international current events, politics, and economics with a specialty in the Middle East and Central Asia. His first book "Charlie Battery; A Marine Artillery Battery in Iraq" was awarded the 2007 Gold Medal for Best Military Non-Fiction by the Military Writers Society of America.
