Small Wars Journal

Is War Over?

Fri, 05/20/2011 - 12:00pm
Is War Over?

by A.E. Stahl

It appears that war, that is to say, 'interstate industrial war' or 'regular war', is coming to an end, or so we are led to believe. Rather, we are now challenged with a multitude of hotspots around the world containing "confrontation, conflict and combat". We even have a glut of names and taxonomies for current war and warfare: population-centric counterinsurgency, network-centric warfare, new wars, asymmetric wars, compound wars, netwar, twenty-first century warfare, and even an "actor-centric theory of war." The idea that interstate industrial war has been on the decline and that war has transformed is not new. Scholars such as Martin Van Crevald had persuasively but unsuccessfully already brought this non-Clausewitzian perspective to our attention as early as 1990, which was followed up by a number of other academics that attempted the same feat. However, even newer speculations are being drawn up in order to help place both war and warfare in its proper context -- for example, General Rupert Smith's "War amongst the people". Smith states that war amongst the people "...is the reality in which people in the streets and houses and fields -- all the people, anywhere -- are the battlefield." Interstate industrial war or regular war, where two or more sovereign nation-states face off in a physical competition of force to ultimately impose political will on one's opponent, backed by tank and airpower, artillery and infantry, with aims of decisive battles, no longer exists. That's the speculation, at least. On the surface it would seem that Smith's musings, among others, holds water. After all, post-1945, the world has been witness to more state versus non-state fighting than at any point since the inception of the modern state system. Moreover, many claim that globalization -- that seemingly unstoppable force responsible for our global interconnectedness on all levels -- has begun to diminish the boundaries of the nation-state. That is, the artificial borders that once clearly demarcated a state are becoming blurred, some think soon to the vanishing point and, hypothetically, if states were to become irrelevant, so too would national armies with it, regular war. While these speculations may have some validity, it ultimately leads to the great strategic question: so what?

While so-called regular war — which is nothing more than a title of a specific category — has in fact been on the decline, it is still very much alive. Moreover, a decline in prevalence of "state on state" does not automatically infer that the pattern will not at some point reverse itself. It is a possibility, and not a far fetched one — we could very likely see an increase in state on state war in the future. As such, it is something that states must continue to consider and prepare for. While modern warfare has mainly consisted of irregular fighters engaged with a state, the list of regular wars is far from shabby: the Bosnian War; First and Second Chechen Wars; First and Second Congo Wars; Kosovo War; 2001 War in Afghanistan (against the Taliban); 2003 War in Iraq (at least the first 3+ weeks of combat), and now NATO in Libya. One could argue that these are all "hybrid" or "asymmetrical" wars and not truly regular war. But, hasn't all warfare throughout history been hybrid or asymmetrical or both? That is, even the wars we refer to as "regular" have almost always contained irregular elements.

In other words, regular wars do have irregular participating actors, such as a supporting guerilla organization, mercenaries, or even criminal networks -- this is currently witnessed in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya. The use of irregular elements for the support of conventional forces is not a new concept. Clausewitz spoke of their support for the army, though playing minor roles (irregular detachments, not criminal networks). Even earlier, mercenaries, slaves and prisoners played major roles in the armed forces of Carthage, Rome and Greece. The difference is that today, irregulars clearly play a much greater and independent role in waging warfare. So much so that it is being predicted that regular war (state versus state) will cease to exist.

While warfare does change, it is the view that if war in the state-on-state model declines, then war will no longer be 'war' — it will become (as some already believe) some new type of war or "confrontation, conflict and combat" -- as if they are not the same. This is problematic mainly for four reasons. First, as others have stated, it is impossible to truly know where war will end up. We simply cannot know the future and prognosticating borders on the "waste of time". No matter how confident an assessment of future war may seem, it will always be extremely unreliable. Moreover, if we are to accept the notion that war is transforming, then we must not view transformation as equivalent to something that changes in only one direction. As easily as war has taken on an irregular bent, there is no reason to exclude the notion that the opposite may result. The second reason, and perhaps the most important, is that war and warfare are still affairs of the state, managed by political animals. There is no reason to believe that the state is quickly losing legitimacy as the main political actor. There may be more nonstate or irregular actors than in the past, but there are also more states today than ever before in history. Even if the state were to cease to exist, new political entities would likely be formed, as that is part of human nature, and war would continue amongst and between these new entities, as violence regarding the distribution of power is also an inescapable element of human nature. The third reason is that "war is war is war". Despite the various characteristics it espouses, the diverse forms it adopts, and the differing labels applied to it, all organized violence for political aims represents "war". War will continue shifting and shaping society, influencing great and small powers, creating new communities and aiding in the fall of others, destroying peace only to usher in an even better era than previously existed, all through the use of force for the ends of policy, as this has always been war's purpose. The evidence for such comments lies in over 2,500 years of the history of warfare. Lastly, there is no reason to purport that the nature of war or warfare will alter. This is not to say that it is not possible. This is to say that in over 2,500 years, the nature of war and warfare has never changed. It remains the realm of passion, chance, and reason and there is nothing, at least not in the foreseeable future that can remove these ever-present elements from conflict.

Is regular war over? Definitely not but it does not matter even if state-on-state combat were to cease because war in other forms would still be taking place; it would not be "new war" or "something other than war". While we may be facing "confrontation, conflict and combat", that is just a fancy way of saying "war" and "warfare". War and warfare, in its many forms and diverse characteristics, are occurring at this moment in various parts of the world and one will be hard pressed to find one period in human history when warfare was not taking place. States, tanks, artillery, and technology are not the cause of war and warfare: that belongs to people and politics. We must not confuse the lack of a state-on-state character with a decline in war. Trends express that non-state actors will continue to be the primary opponent in wars against states -- but those are still wars, albeit with the application of violence carried out by a mix of regulars and irregulars. It is the same for any irregular-versus-irregular conflict as well -- it is still warfare. It would be wise to always keep in mind the near-perfect definition of war proffered in the 19th century: "an act of force to compel our enemy to do our will." War is not about states. War is the risky and unsavory business rooted in politics, both of which have existed since the rise of human civilization.

As regards the future, no one knows and no one will know how things will unfold. New speculations (dare we say "theories" or "paradigms") about war and warfare may be helpful but they are not concrete and therefore, can only assist us to a certain degree. We can attempt to use (and should use) other tools, such as our deductive reasoning and of course history to offer insight into what may happen -- but that is all we can do. What we must ensure, simultaneously, is to never write-off anything, to prepare for everything, to avoid being seduced by fashionable words or slogans, and most importantly, to never forget the fundamentals of war and strategy.

A.E. Stahl is the co-founder and publisher of Infinity Journal and a Research Fellow at the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT).

Comments

zenpundit

Sat, 05/21/2011 - 1:16pm

The French managed to have completely different doctrine in both world wars while being wrong each time. The guy who had it right, DeGaulle was persona non grata with the high command of defeatists running the French Army(the US Army squelched innovative thinking regarding tank and mobile warfare by Patton and Ike in the early 20's in much the same way. Ike ended up coaching a lot of football in those years)

The French and British combined overall had better equipment than the Wehrmacht in 1940 but it was poorly distributed, not coordinated or used for strategic advantage. The Germans maximized their leverage on point of impact ( we see a lot of newsreels about panzers, not so much on how many horse drawn vehicles the Germans were using in the rear).

There are a lot of reasons that Germany was initially successful, but that doesn't distract from the view that many educated leaders thought the end of WWI was the end of war. Jimbo is right that France had an Army equal to or greater than Germany's, so they didn't quit investing, they just couldn't fight effectively against Germany's new doctrine. As one of the dead Greeks said, only the dead have seen the end of war.

While this is at best a guessimate, I see more potential for State on State war within the next 10 years than I have seen in years, and ideology will be a lesser driver than economic interests (although ideology will be used to give the war greater meaning). We are obligated to try to guess what the future holds and build a force to counter those projected threats, but simultaneously we must be aware that we'll probably be wrong, so we need to build a force that can respond to a wide range of threats. Really nothing new here.

As for irregular warfare being the way of the future, it has been the way of the past, however, when we're deciding where to invest increasingly limited dollars in our defense, I think the questions we need to ask is what irregular threats are actually a threat to our national interests? Some are, but the point being we don't need to stick our nose in every irregular conflict around the globe just because it is there. I think conventional and unconventional (nuclear weapons) are as dangerous a threat as they have ever been, and agree that we need to maintain the capability to deal intelligently with "select" irregular threats (we always should have had that capability). We will error just as seriously as we did in the past if irregular warfare becomes the new Fulda Gap and that is all we focus on.

Jimbo (not verified)

Fri, 05/20/2011 - 2:14pm

I have to disagree with your premise and conclusion. The driving force for Germany's aggression was not the weakness of European militaries, it was the timidity of the governments in the face of his aggressions.

At the onset, the German military was a paper tiger. It wasn't that the French and British militaries were too weak to stop Germany; the governments were too timid. Had the disarmament commission done its job, Germany would not even have been a paper tiger.

Even after the war started, it was not a force advantage that won France, it was a change in strategy. Germany and the allies faced off in eastern Frances for seven months prior to the Blitzkrieg though Belgium. News articles at the time called the stalemate the "phoney war."

At the time, 23 German division at the Siegfried Line faced off 110 British and French divisions at the Maginot Line. Had timidity not been the order of the day, the war might have turned out differently.

If enough major states decide that there will not be any major wars,
then they will cut the military budgets accordingly.
This provides an opportunity for those that do not cut.
An opportunity to wage and win conventional wars.

1930s anyone?
No major war in Europe for 10 years. That is what the bugetary white papers said in most of Europe in 1933.
6 years later, Germany was running wild over countries not ready to fight.

Those predictions prepared the ground for major war by weakening the militaries that could have kept the Axis in check...