Welcome to Ramadi – Mario Loyola, National Review
I was not told about our trip to Ramadi — provincial capital of Iraq’s Anbar province — until the night before. This was in order to preserve “operational security”: We were to meet U.S. Ambassador Ryan Crocker and presidential envoy Meghan O’Sullivan, for a tour of what only a few months ago was the most feared insurgent stronghold in all of Iraq. No matter; no amount of warning could have prepared me for what I was about to witness. Back home, the media has apparently gotten bored of pessimism about Iraq; optimism is now coming into vogue. The basic story (e.g., “A War We Might Just Win”) is by now familiar. At its center is the “Anbar Awakening,” in which Sunni tribes that were once bitterly opposed to the Coalition have turned in our favor and against al Qaeda. That much I knew in advance. What I could not have imagined was the extent and tightness of the cooperation between the Americans and the local Anbaris — at every level. After four years of constant fighting, peace is unmistakably coming to Anbar province.
Fighting the "Real" Fight – Christopher Hitchens, Slate
Over the past few months, I have been debating Roman Catholics who differ from their Eastern Orthodox brethren on the nature of the Trinity, Protestants who are willing to quarrel bitterly with one another about election and predestination, with Jews who cannot concur about a covenant with God, and with Muslims who harbor bitter disagreements over the discrepant interpretations of the Quran. Arcane as these disputes may seem, and much as I relish seeing the faithful fight among themselves, the believers are models of lucidity when compared to the hair-splitting secularists who cannot accept that al-Qaida in Mesopotamia is a branch of al-Qaida itself. Objections to this self-evident fact take one of two forms. It is argued, first, that there was no such organization before the coalition intervention in Iraq. It is argued, second, that the character of the gang itself is somewhat autonomous from, and even independent of, the original group proclaimed by Osama Bin Laden. These objections sometimes, but not always, amount to the suggestion that the "real" fight against al-Qaida is, or should be, not in Iraq but in Afghanistan. (I say "not always," because many of those who argue the difference are openly hostile to the presence of NATO forces in Afghanistan as well as to the presence of coalition soldiers in Iraq.)
Tankers on Two Legs - Jeff Emanuel, Weekly Standard
Georgia’s 3rd Infantry Division (known as the "Marne" Division) has a long, storied history as a mechanized unit. For years they have brought the big guns of tanks and Bradley Fighting Vehicles, as well as M-113 Armored Personnel Carriers and dismounted infantry patrols, to the fight wherever they may be needed. The third of the five 'surge' Brigades, the area of operations (AO) covered by the Marne Division's 3rd Brigade--a region just southeast of Baghdad--is made up of a population that is majority Shia but predominantly Sunni to the east along the Tigris River, and includes the site of the Iraqi nuclear reactor that was destroyed by the Israelis in 1982, as well as Highway 8, which runs directly to Iran, and the former terrorist training center (and resort town) of Salman Pak. The part of that area that 3rd Brigade's 1st Battalion (also known as the 1st Battalion of the 15th Infantry Regiment, or '1-15') is responsible for includes a geographic feature called the "deep bowl"--so named because of its round-bottomed appearance on a map. Bordered on the east, west, and south by a large bend in the Tigris, the "deep bowl" is an extremely defensible area in the southernmost part of 1-15's area of operations, and is home to the majority of al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) in the region. Terrorists cross the river from the south, and base their weapons factories and operations out of farms and various other unmapped places.
Three Marks on the Horizon – Michael Yon, National Review
Almost everyone (by now) has heard about the “lazy” Iraqi parliament members who, like so many Nero’s fiddling while Rome burns around them, are taking a month off. Yet comparatively few Americans will ever hear or read about IA Scorpion Company Commander, Captain Baker; or Iraqi entrepreneur and community catalyst, “Tonto;” or the mayor of Baqubah, who summoned the courage to step out of the shadow of al Qaeda and fight to get his constituents a warehouse-sized stockpile of food. The mantra that “there is no political progress in Iraq” is rapidly becoming the “surge” equivalent of a green alligator: when enough people repeat something that sounds plausible, but also happens to be false, it becomes accepted as fact. The more often it is repeated, and the larger the number of people repeating it, the harder it is to convince any one of the truth: Alligators are not green, and Iraqis are making plenty of political progress.
Taking on the Shiites - William Lind, Middle East Times
The "surge" in Iraq continues to generate good news, at least in the American press. Reports claim that it is working. However, to the degree that the good news is true, it probably has more to do with US troop interaction with the local population than with troop numbers. It may also reflect a large dose of post hoc ergo propter hoc reasoning. Some of the decline in violence in Baghdad is due not to US troops but to the fact that the Shiites have completed the ethnic cleansing of mixed Sunni-Shiite neighborhoods. A good portion of the improvement in Anbar province is a product of Al Qaeda blunders that have alienated part of its base. While adoption of classic counter-insurgency techniques by US forces is genuine good news, we should not assume that events in Iraq are solely or even primarily a result of our actions. We are one player among many, and not always the most important.
Hope and Despair in Divided Iraq - Ullrich Fichtner, Der Spiegel
When describing Iraq, the word "peace" is seldom used. Truth be told, the Americans have restored order to many parts of the county. But Iraq remains fractured, and where new schools are built today, bombs could explode tomorrow. The Iraq war came within a hair of returning to Ramadi in early July. The attackers had already gathered four kilometers (about 2.5 miles) south of the city, on the banks of the Nasr canal. Between 40 and 50 men dressed in light uniforms were armed like soldiers and prepared to commit a series of suicide bombings. They had already strapped explosive vests to their bodies and loaded thousands of kilograms of explosives, missiles and grenades onto two old Mercedes trucks. But their plan was foiled when Iraqis intent on preserving peace in Ramadi betrayed them to the Americans.
Ignoring PKK Terrorism - Tulin Daloglu, Washington Times
Last Tuesday when Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's car approached the Turkish Prime Ministry in Ankara, Recep Tayyip Erdogan was waiting ready for him on the pedestrian walk-way. As Mr. Maliki stepped out of his car, the two kissed each other three times on the cheek, like buddies, with a hug and a smile. The picture was perfect but the talks produced the same old dead-end result: the Iraqi side insists on not recognizing the Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK) as a terrorist organization. According to Turkish media, Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Government spokesman Jalal Abdollah says Iraq does not have the right to call the PKK a terrorist organization. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack, however, took a new angle: "[W]hat's heartening about this is that this is now Turkey and Iraq directly engaging on the issue of fighting the PKK at the highest levels... So [it is] a very, very positive step." The problem is that they don't agree on what they are fighting against and the State Department does not seem willing to ask the Kurds to respect its list of terrorist organizations. In this spirit, the memorandum of understanding — signed by Mr. Maliki and Mr. Erdogan — to combat the PKK makes no sense.
Fight the PKK, but Address Kurdish Beefs - Howard Eissenstat, Daily Star
Recently, the conservative American columnist, Robert Novak, reported on the outlines of a plan for covert action by the United States military against the Kurdish Workers Party, or PKK, in northern Iraq. The proposed strategy, which was apparently outlined in a confidential briefing to US lawmakers by Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Eric S. Edelman, envisions US Special Forces attacking PKK bases in northern Iraq, probably in conjunction with Turkish and Iraqi Kurdish troops, with the goal of denying the PKK the safe havens they have long enjoyed in the area. Irritated though commanders on the ground might be that a level of operational secrecy has been lost, the news is positive. The strategy seems wise for a number of reasons. First, it would address a long-standing source of irritation in relations between Turkey and both the US and Iraq and would help preclude a long-threatened and certainly disastrous invasion of northern Iraq by Turkish regular forces. Second, the policy is wise because Turkey has a legitimate concern regarding the PKK, which has paired military action against the Turkish military with a long history of attacks on civilians. Not without reason has the PKK been listed as a terrorist group by both the US and the European Union.
A New Cold War with Iran? – John Tirman, Boston Globe
We often hear that the US-Iran confrontation is a new Cold War -- a highly charged ideological rivalry with nuclear capabilities on each side and "proxy" wars pursued for geostrategic advantage. While there are resemblances, the standoff is not like the US-Soviet conflict. In fact, it could be dangerous to think that it is. The differences between the two rivalries are significant. Iran does not have much military capability, unlike the USSR, which may be one reason for Tehran's nuclear development program. They may see it as parity and respect on the cheap. In terms of conventional military firepower, Iran has plenty of bodies but little technology.
Iran's Disruptive Hold over Afghanistan is Rising - Amir Tarzi, Daily Star
The guardians of the Islamic republican system in Iran are continuing their quest to ensure the existence of Iran's clerical regime. To eliminate potential existential threats, these guardians have gradually entered yet another arena in which to confront their adversaries: Afghanistan. Iran has played a positive role in increasing Afghanistan's economic and political development. However, its underhanded and multidimensional meddling in Afghanistan's internal affairs is increasing. A brief look at key recent events provides insight into the motivations behind the Islamic Republic's current support, as well as the unspoken threat of further support, for the myriad insurgent groups - the neo-Taliban - opposing the current state of affairs in Afghanistan.
Iran Blacks Out Day of Protest - Amir Taheri, New York Post
'No news is good news," goes the old adage. But one man's good news can be another's bad news - or, if the authorities have their way, not be allowed to be news at all. Consider reporting from the Islamic Republic of Iran. For Iran's authorities, last Thursday brought bad news: demonstrations throughout the country in support of jailed union leaders and labor activists. In Tehran, hundreds gathered near the home of Mansour Osanloo, the imprisoned leader of the capital's transit workers, with a simple message: We are not afraid! The authorities had organized a military operation to cordon off the streets leading to the house - but couldn't prevent union members from assembling. The day ended with the arrest of at least 15 workers' leaders.
Lebanon - A Lesson in Conflict Management? - Abbas Barzegar, Middle East Times
With a population of 4 million divided among 18 religious sects, it is surprising that the Lebanese political system has managed to survive this long. Now, this already-burdened, fractious society heads into what promises to be a tumultuous presidential election. But Lebanon's struggles should be understood as more than simply a turf war between rival gangs or a proxy war between Washington and Tehran. Rather, its problems and prospects represent a crystallized microcosm of the range of tensions and issues that face the Middle East and the West. The most significant feature of the Lebanese political field, and its most dangerous vulnerability, is the glaring lack of a central authority capable of enforcing the rule of law. With the Syrian band-aid that filled this vacuum now gone, many wonder if Lebanon's famed recovery from the civil war was anything more than transitory.
Why Oslo Really Failed - Gershon Baskin, Jerusalem Post
With the renewal of the peace process it is worthwhile to look at some of the lessons that should have been learned from the failure of the process thus far. This article is the first of three that will provide some insights into some of those lessons. Lesson Learned: In protracted conflicts it is not sufficient to only detail the beginning of the process; it is important, and perhaps essential to reach agreement on at least the principles of longer-term final or permanent status issues.
Islam’s Poison Cells – Shiraz Maher, The Australian
For almost four years I was on the front line of British Islamism, serving as a regional officer in northeast England for Hizb ut-Tahrir, an extremist group committed to the creation of a puritanical caliphate. Since leaving the group in 2005, I've been concerned at just how easy it was for me to join a radical Islamist movement and why there was hardly any support available when I decided to leave. Hizb was a large family in many ways, a group offering social support, comradeship, a sense of purpose and validation. At 21, it was intoxicating for me. I embraced my new Islamist identity and family with eagerness. Islamism transcends cultural norms, so it not only prompted me to reject my British identity but also my ethnic South Asian background. I was neither Eastern nor Western; I was a Muslim, a part of the global ummah, or community, where identity is defined through the fraternity of faith. Islamists insist this identity is not racist because Islam welcomes people of all colours, ethnicities and backgrounds. That was true, but our world view was still horribly bipolar. We didn't distinguish on the basis of colour but on creed.
Al-Qaeda in Egypt? - Ammar Ali Hassan, Al-Ahram
The recent arrest of an Al-Qaeda cell in Egypt underscores what may be an emerging trend in the radical Islamist movement. The stage seems to be set for the rise of isolated groups that are disgruntled by the tactical retractions made by Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya and by the fragmentation of the Egyptian Jihad, that disapprove of the pacifist orientation of the Muslim Brotherhood and the purely religious proselytising approach of such Salafi societies as the Tabligh wal Daawa (Preaching and Summoning), and that are averse to the introversion of the Sufi orders. It therefore appears that these small groups will opt for one of two courses: to remain isolated cells committed to violence but restricting their range of operations, or to sign up with Al-Qaeda, if not organisationally then at least in terms of general outlook and strategy. The most salient factor to have increased the likelihood of the emergence of isolated, independent cells is the tightening of national security in conjunction with the close international cooperation in anti-terrorism. Such conditions are inimical to geographically widespread organisations, such as Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya and Al-Jihad, whose networks covered a large area of the country. The larger and more geographically dispersed the organisation, the easier it is for security agencies to monitor, infiltrate and pursue it, and all the more so if the organisation is hierarchically based, as is Al-Jihad, or prefers to keep a part of its operations above the surface, as is the case with Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya. Isolated cells, on the other hand, have a greater chance of evading surveillance, especially if they are adept at covert activities, keep their operations to a minimum and are skilled at blending in with their immediate social environment without arousing suspicions.
The Confusion over Guantánamo Prison – Miami Herald editorial
If you're confused about the White House policy on the status of the U.S. military prison in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, welcome to the club. On Thursday, before heading off to vacation, President Bush told a news conference, ''It should be a goal of the nation to shut down Guantánamo.'' That sounds clear enough, but just a few days before, on CNN, Vice President Cheney -- the other decider -- was singing a completely different tune. ''I think you need to have someplace to hold those individuals who have been captured during the global war on terror,'' Mr. Cheney told an interviewer. “There are hundreds of people like that, and if you closed Guantánamo, you'd have to find someplace else to put these folks.” What's going on here? Maybe these contradictory remarks merely reflect a healthy debate inside the government. More likely, though, they offer a glimpse of the genuine confusion about what to do with a prison of dubious constitutional standing that virtually every other country, including most of our allies, condemns as immoral and without legal foundation.
The Peace Conference in Kabul – Boston Globe editorial
A four-day conference of some 600 Afghan and Pakistani tribal leaders that concluded Sunday in Kabul was a belated recognition that a more supple strategy is needed to defend Afghanistan against renewed assaults from Taliban extremists. One breakthrough of the peace jirga was that it drew a rare public acknowledgment from President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan that Taliban militants have been using tribal areas inside Pakistan as safe havens from which to launch attacks into Afghanistan. Welcome as it is, the admission can hardly make a difference unless Pakistan ends its policy of backing Taliban elements, which it considers a counterforce to Indian influence in the region. Such a change may now be possible, but only as part of a larger set of trade-offs that balance the vital interests of moderate forces in Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Power Cycle that Always Returns to the Military – Tariq Ali, Sydney Morning Herald
Every Pakistani leader, civilian or military, sits on a throne that is placed on a volcano periodically shaken by convulsions. As a crisis-ridden country commemorates the 60th anniversary of its foundation this week, the government is seriously divided and its uniformed President was reported to be considering the imposition of a state of emergency, usually the last act of a government about to fall. In most countries the very existence of a military leader symbolises a state of emergency, but not in Pakistan. The military has ruled the country for more than 30 years, survived the hot lava of numerous uprisings and assassinations, and always returned to power, largely unscathed. This political cycle is now well established: military rule - angry protests - civilian government - corruption, rigged elections and worse - military rule. The country's 200 million people deserve better.
The Pakistan Problem – H.D.S. Greenway, Boston Globe
The United States has a real problem with Pakistan. But Pakistan has real problems of its own, and the solutions may not mesh with what Washington wants. After having said he didn't spend much time thinking about Osama bin Laden, the latest National Intelligence Estimate has forced President Bush to face up to the fact that a reconstituted Al Qaeda in Pakistan is a major threat -- perhaps the major threat -- to the United States. Clearly, President Pervez Musharraf's attempt to buy peace and loyalty on the northwest frontier has backfired. He had hoped to head off increasing support for Islamist extremists, but instead Al Qaeda has been the beneficiary. Frances Townsend, Bush's Homeland Security adviser, spoke the truth when she said; "It hasn't worked for Pakistan, and it hasn't worked for the United States."
Let Some Light Shine on Arab World's Progress - Rami Khouri, Baltimore Sun
Global reporting about this region has presented it almost exclusively as an arena of aberration and violence, seen primarily through the lens of conflict and extremism, emotionalism, exaggerated religiosity, and deep ethnic or religious prejudice. The underlying human rhythms, prevailing moral norms, and routine cultural and political values of the 500 million or so Arabs, Iranians, Kurds and Turks are not presented accurately or fully. The world has been told repeatedly - if fleetingly - about the intemperance and drama of Dubai's skyscrapers, Gaza's tensions, Fallujah's killings, and Hezbollah's defiance and militancy. The American- and British-dominated global news media seem to have much less time for Arabs who don't carry knives, cut off heads and arms, shoot machine guns, launch grenades, or talk on gold-plated cell phones.
Liberating Kosovo - Chicago Tribune editorial
Eight years after bombing by U.S.-led forces put an end to ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, the troubled province still lacks its independence -- an evolution now threatened with further delay. Kosovo, with ethnic Albanian Muslims making up 90 percent of its 2 million people, still is part of Serbia, although it has been administered by the United Nations since the end of the war there in 1999. The U.S. and its European allies want Kosovo to achieve independence. The main diplomatic obstacle: Mother Russia, with its ancestral ties to the Serbian people. But that's not the whole story. Russia's obstructionist stance is less about deep solidarity with its Slavic sister nation than with Moscow's tussle against Washington for spheres of influence in Europe. There's also Russia's fear that freedom for Kosovo will only encourage impatient separatists in its own multiethnic realm.
National Security Looms Large – Malcolm Colless, The Australian
The steady drone of the Black Hawk military helicopter over Sydney's high-rise boardrooms last week was a sober reminder that national security and more specifically anti-terrorism will underscore the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation forum which begins early next month. Months of training by federal and state agencies will end next Tuesday as Sydney swings into gear for what will be the biggest security lockdown in Australia's history. While the disruption to the central business district will be a major irritant to locals, the massive security presence to guard the 21 political leaders and their entourages, as well as regional and global corporate leaders, brings the issue of anti-terrorism into sharp focus in this country. At a recent, private security briefing for a small group of Sydney-based senior corporate executives, organised by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, one of the Government's top anti-terrorist officials said he believed a terrorist attack in Australia was inevitable - it was only a question of when and where.
Rumble Down Under – Mary Kissel, Wall Street Journal
Radio listeners in Sydney last week were treated to some good ole Aussie plain talk on the war on terror. "It's not all negative and nobody pretends that it's easy," Prime Minister John Howard told talk show host Ray Hadley. "Pulling out will guarantee a descent into civil war and chaos and a victory for terrorism and we're totally opposed to that." And what of the much-maligned President Bush? While he's "under pressure at home," Mr. Howard retorted, "he's not a person who succumbs easily to pressure, and he's right." Mr. Howard could just as easily have been describing himself. A man who's been fighting political trench warfare since the 1960s, the 68-year-old prime minister is dug into what he dubs "the toughest election I have had in the last decade or more." After 11 years in power at the helm of the ruling conservative Liberal Party, the straight-talking John Howard may finally be on the outs and Australia leaning left.
The MoD Shows an Unsure Grasp of Honour – London Daily Telegraph editorial
The bureaucrats who run the Ministry of Defence have classified the British military mission to Afghanistan a peacekeeping operation, and are therefore refusing to award combat medals to the Service personnel who are participating in the fiercest fighting since the Second World War. The hostilities are so intense that it is currently estimated that soldiers serving on the front line have a one in 36 chance of being killed. Seventy soldiers have so far died since the Government first deployed our Armed Forces to that benighted country in 2001, and more fatalities can be expected as Servicemen continue their campaign to subjugate the Taliban and prevent Afghanistan reverting to its former role as a safe haven for Islamic militants. The disconnect between how Whitehall perceives the Afghan conflict and the brutal war taking place on the ground is typical of this Government's institutional confusion over what our troops are doing in Afghanistan and why.
Politics as Local or Plumb ‘Loco’ – John Thomson, Washington Times
Colombia's armed forces commander Gen. Freddy Padilla de Leon is incredulous, noting in an exclusive interview, "We are charged with allowing the murders of 'thousands' of union leaders by paramilitary assassins. "In 2002, the year President Uribe took office, 99 union leaders were murdered. Last year, the number was 25, and during the first half of 2007, there have only been four union fatalities. We are working to cut the number to zero, but frankly, several of those murdered were members of the FARC or ELN guerrilla movements, while others perished for reasons of strife or corruption." (An important question is how many leaders have perished, as distinct from union members killed when fighting as guerrillas or in industrial strife.)
President Putin’s Third Term – Reuben Johnson, Weekly Standard
Americans might be pardoned for thinking that the presidential race is an out-of-control, ever-lengthening marathon. But defects in our presidential selection process are trivial in comparison with the sinister pantomime that is the March 2008 Russian presidential election. Under the rule of President Vladimir Putin, political scientists and Kremlin spokesmen have had to invent new terms to describe Russia's system of government. When Putin assumed power in 2000, Russia was said to be a "managed democracy." This was a kinder, gentler label than Putin's own. The former secret policeman had at first declared that his would be a "dictatorship of the law." Unfortunately, he was right, and the emphasis increasingly has been on the dictatorship rather than the law. What was once "managed democracy" is now officially deemed "sovereign democracy."
Stop the Madrassa – Frank Gaffney Jr., Washington Times
The story of the public school in Brooklyn that is poised to become a taxpayer-underwritten, Islamist recruitment and indoctrination center took a dramatic turn last week. The principal-designate of the so-called Khalil Gibran International Academy (KGIA), Dhabah "Debbie" Almontaser, was forced to resign after she defended a T-shirt emblazoned with the words "Intifada NYC" — making clear her radical ideology and proclivity for dissembling. The question is no longer whether Ms. Almontaser was, as her critics in a group of parents, teachers and concerned citizens called the Stop the Madrassa Community Coalition have insisted, determined to use the KGIA to advance her theo-political agenda. Her claim that "intifada" actually meant nothing more than a "shaking off" and that its use in connection with New York City was unobjectionable was so preposterous — not to say alarming — that her supporters, notably Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Public Schools Chancellor Joel Klein, found it impossible to ignore the outcry.
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